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Full text of "Syntactic description of the mood in the Old English complement clause"

A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD 
IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE 



Mary Elizabeth Faraci 



A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council 

of the University of Florida 
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the 
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 
1972 



Copyright by 
Mary Elizabeth Faraci 
1972 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

I wish to express my gratitude to Professor John T. 
Algeo and Professor Robert H. Bowers for their encourage- 
ment in this study. Professor Algeo' s cooperation and his 
expert criticism have been invaluable in this work. Pro- 
fessor Bowers was available for critical reading and in- 
formative conferences whenever I called upon him. 

The suggestions of Professor Richard H. Green and 
Professor Egbert Krispyn were very important to the improve- 
ment of the study. For the statistical calculations, I am 
especially indebted to Professor Clarence E. Davis. 



111 



PREFACE 

The citations of Old English complement clauses from 
Sweet's EETS editions of King Alfred' s West -Saxon Version 
of Gregory' s Pastoral Care and King Alfred's Orosius are 
identified by the page number and the number of the initial 
line. Each citation from the Parker Manuscript of the 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is identified by the page number in 
Earle and Plummer's 1892 edition, Two of the Saxon Chroni - 
cles Parallel , and by the year of the entry. 

In the presentation of the data, the graphemes t? and 
"b ; 4) and q ; /£ and 32, are normalized to their Modern 
English equivalents. 

Only the exceptional an^ problematic constructions are 
translated. The glosses are based on Sweet's translation 
in his edition of King Alfred ' s West -Saxon Version of 
Gregory' s Pastoral Care , on J. A. Giles' 1858 edition, The 
Whole W orks of Alfred the Great , and on Dorothy Whitelock's 
1961 edition, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 



IV 



. TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Page 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii 

PREFACE ' iv 

LIST OF FIGURES vi 

ABSTRACT vii 

INTRODUCTION 1 

Previous Studies 4 

Primary Sources 16 

Method of Investigation 20 

The Attraction Theory 21 

Generative-Transformational Terminology ... 23 

THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE 2 5 

A Description of the Data ............. 25 

The Classification of Introductory Verbs ... 27 

Group A 28 

Group B 49 

Group C 117 

Group D . . 14 7 

CONCLUSION 165 

Regular Choice of Mood 166 

Exceptional Choice of Mood 169 

Results in the Original Prose 170 

The Introductory Verb Rule 171 

The Subordination Rule 172 

The Application of Rules 1 and 2 ...... . 173 

The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule .... 176 

The Possibilities of Further Investigation . . 177 

LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED 180 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH , 184 






LIST OF FIGURES 



Figure Page 

1 Thyncan construction, Gregory's 

Pastoral Care : 261-19 41 

2 Thyncan construction, Gregory's 

Pastoral Care : 427-19 42 

3 Thyncan construction, Alfred's Preface 

to Gregory's Pastoral Care : 7-6 44 

4 Thyncan construction, Orosius: 154-18 . . 45 



VI 



Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council 
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the 
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 



A SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE MOOD 
IN THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE 



By 
Mary Elizabeth Faraci 
June, 1972 



Chairman: Robert H. Bowers 
Co -Chairman: John T. Algeo 
Major Department: English 



The present dissertation investigates the apparently 
arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English complement clause 
following verbs which express mental processes and acts of 
communication. The choice of mood in the recorded language 
is perplexing because either the indicative mood or the sub- 
junctive mood can occur in the Old English complement clause 
and, furthermore, an individual verb can be followed by the 
indicative mood in one clause and by the subjunctive in 
another . 

This investigation restricts its evidence to the early 
West- Saxon texts, The Angl o-Sa xon Chronic le , King Alfred' s 
West -Saxon Version of Gregory ' s Pastora l Care , and King 
Alfred' s r o s i u s ■ When the investigation determined which 
mood predominated in the complement clause following each 
verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,' 'feel,' or the 



VI i 






like, the significance of these occurrences was evaluated 
according to the binomial method. The clauses containing 
the less frequent mood were scrutinized in order to find the 
influential formal feature. 

The structural facts presented in the translations and 
in the original prose showed that a syntactic rule, The 
Introductory Verb Rule, determined the scribe's choice of 
mood in the Old English complement clauses. Fourteen verbs 
require the subjunctive verb form in each complement clause. 
Seven merely expletory verbs are followed by the indicative 
verb form in the complement clause except when the verb of 
the complement clause is influenced by an unusual context 
(the predominance of the subjunctive mood or complicated 
clause constructions) . Only ten verbs support the hypothe- 
sis that no rule determined the choice of mood. The no- 
rule hypothesis is, therefore, weakly supported by the 
structural facts presented in these early West-Saxon texts. 

The evidence also shows ' that when the regular influ- 
ence of the introductory verb is interrupted, a distinguish- 
ing formal feature explains the exception. The immediate 
context of these exceptions has suggested that a principle 
of attraction is ' operating between the moods of two or 
more verbs in sentences containing the complement clause 
structure. Sometimes unusual word order, distinctive under- 
lying forms, and formulaic conventions altered the regular 
choice of mood. Another syntactic rule, The Subordination 



vm 



Rule, designates the subjunctive verb form as the redundant 
feature of clause construction to replace the indicative 
form in complicated clause constructions. 

It is possible that the meaning of the provisions in 
both The Subordination Rule and in The Introductory Verb 
Rule was extended for use in a third syntactic rule, The 
Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule, which distinguishes a 
complement clause which functions as a clause dependent on 
a governing verb from a complement clause following a verb 
itfhich has a negligible influence on the clause. The rule 
contains two parts: (a) As a redundant feature of clause 
construction, the subjunctive verb from marks a statement, 
in a complement clause, which has been adapted from an in- 
dependent sentence to a dependent clause, as indirect dis- 
course; (b) The seven expletory verbs are not followed by 
the mood of indirect discourse because they introduce 
direct and independent reports rather than indirect and 
dependent reports. The subjunctive or marked verb form 
in Old English is the structural sign for a semantic fea- 
ture which distinguishes the complement clauses following 
fourteen influential governing verbs as indirect reports 
from the complement clauses which follow the seven merely 
expletory verbs. The structural evidence provided by the 
texts, therefore, does not illustrate that the subjunctive 
form in the complement clause conveys more doubt or less 
objectivity than the indicative form. 



IX 



INTRODUCTION 

This study will investigate the apparently arbitrary 
choice of mood in the Old English complement clauses fol- 
lowing the verbs which express acts of communication and 
mental processes. All such complement clause structures 
have been defined as the Old English indirect discourse 
construction by grammarians because the clause is intro- 
duced by a verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 'perceive,' 
'feel,' or the like and a subordinator such as 'that,' 
'how,' or 'what.' The grammar of these complement clauses, 
like a dependent, clause of Modern English indirect dis- 
course, is made to conform to the grammar of the main clause 
with respect to person and tense. Otto Jespersen in Volume 
IV of his Modern English Grammar series observes such ad- 
justments in indirect discourse: "'I am glad to see you' 
becomes in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was 
glad to see me. 'I saw her on Tuesday' becomes: He said 
(thought) that he had seen her on Tuesday. 'I have not 
seen her yet' becomes: He said (thought) that he had not 
seen her yet." In certain languages the mood as well as 



Otto Jespersen, A Modern English Grammar , IV (1931; 
rpt. London, 1954),. 151. 



the person and tense of the report is affected in its 
adaptation as an indirect report in a dependent clause. 
Latin, for example, has certain rules which determine the 
mood of the verb in the dependent clause of indirect dis- 
course: "Statements which were in the indicative become 

2 
dependent statements in the accusative and infinitive." 

For indirect questions Latin employs the subjunctive mood 
in the dependent clause. Thus, " Romulus urbem condidit 
'Romulus founded a city'" becomes in indirect discourse 
"Dicunt Romulum urbem condidisse 'They say that Romulus 
founded a city.'" The question, " Quis eum occidit ? 'Who 
killed him?'" becomes in indirect question, " Quis eum 
occiderit quaero 'I ask who killed him.'" The verb form, 
then, is an important structural feature of indirect dis- 
course. Just as the syntactic rules of Classical written 
Latin designate the infinitive form of the verb to mark an 
indirect statement and distinguish dependent clauses of 
indirect question by the subjunctive verb form, it is pos- 
sible that in Old English clauses the indicative and the 
subjunctive verb forms have special structural significance 
also. Throughout the Old English complement clauses re- 
corded in the manuscripts, however, which, like the written 



2 

"Bradlev's Arnold Latin Prose Composition , ed. Sir James 

Mo un t ford (.New York, 1 938) , p. 242 . 
5 Ibid . , p. 107. 
4 Ibid. , pp. 107 and 242. 



Latin dependent clauses of indirect discourse, follow verbs 
like 'say,' 'think,' or 'perceive,' either the subjunctive 
form or the indicative form may appear. This apparently 
arbitrary choice of mood in the Old English clauses, there- 
fore, does not seem to be determined by a syntax rule such 
as that which designates certain verb forms as features of 
the dependent clause of indirect discourse for Latin prose. 
A structural analysis of the indicative verb forms and the 
subjunctive forms following each introductory verb can 
perhaps explain the influence of the introductory verb on 
the mood of the following clause and can explain the sig- 
nificance of the mood in the Old English complement clause. 
Until the present study can determine whether a syntactic 
rule in Old English distinguishes dependent clauses of 
indirect discourse by means of a specific verb form, it is 
more accurate to describe the construction generally as a 



complement clause, and not to assume that every Old English 
complement clause following verbs which express mental pro- 
cesses or acts of communication functions as a dependent 
clause of indirect discourse. A complement clause in an- 
indirect discourse construction represents the adaption of 
a mental process or an act of communication from an inde- 
pendent sentence to a clause dependent on an introductory 
verb: on the other hand, the complement clause is merely 
the object-clause of an introductory verb, not dependent 
on or inferior to the introductory verb. 



Previous Studies 



The puzzling mood variation in the Old English texts 
has been treated in several studies, which readily conclude 
that all of these complement clauses are indirect reports. 
The apparently arbitrary mood choice has led grammarians to 
conclude that the mood for the Old English indirect dis- 
course construction of the written language is not determined 
by a syntactic rule such as that which determined that 
the subjunctive mood would mark a clause as a subordinate 
clause of indirect question for Latin prose. They, there- 
fore, explain the subjunctive and the indicative moods in 
this Old English construction by emphasizing the functions 
of the moods more than their formal significance. 

Previous investigations of the mood in this Old English 
structure have argued that the mood of the complement clause 
reflects the intention of the writer. The statement of 
this explanation varies among the studies; however, it may 
be summarized thus: The subjunctive mood conveys the un- 
certain attitude of the reporter, while the indicative 
mood emphasizes the assumed truth of the reported statement 
or question. The essential remarks of these studies on the 
mood in the complement clauses agree for the thaet and hu 
and the hw - word clauses; it seems convenient, therefore, 
to discuss all of them as one structure. 

J. H. Gorrell in "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon" 
offers a lengthy analysis of this construction. His 



explanations for mood variation after the governing verbs 
of indirect discourse are not clearly supported by the 
texts used as the basis for the present study. He describes 
the occurrences of the indicative and subjunctive moods 
after cythan thus: "Cythan, as a verb of announcement, 
possesses a strong objective force; the statement is pre- 
sented as a bold reality, and hence the subjunctive ' of 
simple reported statement is seldom found, and the more 
objective indicative takes its place." It is true that 
the indicative mood appears to be the established mood 
after cythan while the subjunctive mood occurs in excep- 
tional instances only; however, Gorrell's explanation for 
the exceptional mood does not adequately account for the 
evidence in Gregory's Pastoral Care . He maintains that 
the subjunctive mood follows cythan when cythan acts "as 

the expression of a wish contained in a command or admoni- 

6 t 

tion." The subjunctive mood is not restricted to command 

and admonition constructions in Gregory's Pastoral Care : 

129-21, Thaes daeges to cyme hwelc he beo he cythde , tha 
he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle 
tha the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of 
this day, whatever it is he showed when he said: 
It comes just as a snare over all those who 
dwell on the earth. ' 



J. H. Gorrell, "Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon," 
PMLA , 10 NS 3 [1895) . 

6 Ibid. , p. 358. 



213-17, ne theah eow hwelc aerendgexvrit cume , suelce hit 

from us send sie, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes 
daeg neah sie 'nor although to you any letter come, 
as if it be sent from us, and therein shows that 
the day of judgement be near.' 

It seems far more promising to explain the exceptional sub- 
junctive mood according to formal signals such as the word 
order of a clause or its mood context. Such evidence is 
provided by the available texts and , therefore , leads to an 
accurate explanation for the exceptions to the rules for 
mood in the Old English complement clause construction. 

Gorrell begins his analysis of tacnian thus: " Tacnian 
sets forth the indirect statement in a more objective man- 
ner than the ordinary verb of saying, and, when thus used, 

7 
is followed by the indicative." While Gorrell argues that 

the meaning of the governing verbs influences the mood 

choice in the complement clause, he often seems to be using 

the mood choice as a key to the meaning of the introductory 

verb. His explanation for the occurrence of the subjunctive 

mood is not clearly supported by his evidence. He maintains 

that when tacnian acts "as an introduction to a command or 

admonition," the subjunctive replaces the indicative in the 

Q 

dependent clause. For the indicative mood after tacnian 

he cites from Gregory's Pastoral Care: 

279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes 
bith toflowen, the nele forhabban tha ungemetgodan 



•7 

Gorrell , p . 36 4. 
Ibid. , p . 365 . 



spraece 'That then signifies that the virtue of 
the mind is dispersed, which will not give up 
immoderate speech. ' 

Gorrell's illustration of the subjunctive mood following 
tacnian hardly conveys a greater sense of admonition or a 
lesser degree of objectivity than his indicative illustra- 
tion. He quotes from Gregory's Pastoral Care : 

85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet eall thaette thaes sacerdes 
ondgit thurhfaran maege, sie ymb tha hefonlican 
lufan 'That then signifies that all that the mind 
of the priest may contemplate is for the sake of 
divine love . ' * 

It is seldom evident from the texts what intentions or 
state of mind each mood reflects; therefore, the structural 
facts can better account for the mood variation in the com- 
plement clause. Although Gorrell began his study by acknowl 
edging Gerold Hotz's sound formal description of the sub- 
junctive mood as a sign merely of a reported statement, he 
abandoned the examination of structural facts for the less 
promising meaning-based arguments. 

In his 1882 dissertation, Gerold Hotz presented a 
formal explanation for the occurrences of the subjunctive 
mood in the Old English complement clauses. "As to whether 
the statement refers to a fact or not, whether the subject- 
matter be vouched by the reporter, as regards its objective 
reality and truth, the subjunctive does not tell. It 
simply represents a statement as reported." Hotz suggests 



9 
Gcrrell , p . 365 



a meaning -based definition for the indicative mood in the 
complement clause: "If the reporter wishes to set off a 
statement in its objective truth, the indicative with its 
sub-implication of fact has to come in. The statement then 
turns out to be a reported fact; whereas with the sub- 
junctive it is report and nothing more." Hotz is con- 
vinced that form and purport operated in this Old English 
construction: "In the struggle between form and purport 

of the indirect speech, now the form is uppermost, now the 

11 

purport: Hence frequent interchange of moods." 

Hotz's opening remarks that the subjunctive mood in 
the Old English complement clause has a formal purpose are 
important to the understanding of the construction. His 
insistence that the indicative mood underscores the truth 
of the report, however, leads him to observations which can 
be proven neither right nor wrong. These weak observations 
on the indicative mood even confuse his discussion of the 
subjunctive mood. So his explanation of the few instances 
of the indicative mood after ewe than is unsuccessful. 
Hotz assumes that each mood reflects a different meaning 
of cwethan: "As soon as cwethan gets to imply the notion 

of asserting ... it may be followed by the indicative to 

12 
mark the contrast with cwethan = to utter." Cythan, as 



Ceroid Hotz, On the Use of the Sub junctive Moo d in 
Anglo -Saxon, Diss. "TurTch 1 8 8 ~T~ (Zur i ch ,".1882), p. 89. 

11 lb id . , p. 94. 

Ibid. , p . 91 . 



9 



an introductory verb for complement clauses, is difficult 
to describe because it is followed by both the indicative 
and subjunctive moods. Hotz does not solve the problem 
very well: " Cythan = to announce, to proclaim so vigor- 
ously suggests the notion of the subject-matter being a 
fact (else it would not be accounced or proclaimed) , that 
the formal mood of dependence is cast aside to allow the 
indicative to represent the subject matter in its objective 
truth." His explanation for the subjunctive mood after. 
cythan is also disappointing: "If the action of cythan 
turns out to be wished for, commanded, the subject-matter 
of the dependent sentence keeps for the reporter and 
hearer its character of mere report, and the subjunctive, 

the mood of formal dependence, cannot be overpowered by 

13 
the indicative as before." It is difficult to see. such 

distinctions in Gregory's Pastoral Care : 103-3, Thus the 
indicative appears in and cythde h waet hie wyrcean and 
healdan scoldon 'and proclaimed what they should perform 
and cherish,' 409-21, and the subjunctive in and eac cythde 
hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden 'and also proclaimed 
how carefully they should cherish it.' 

Hotz describes the operation of mood after verbs of 
inquiry and verbs of thinking separately. While his con- 
clusions for the verbs of inquiry are not much different 



13 Hotz, p. 92. 



.- 






10 



from those for verbs of saying, he notes that the sub- 
junctive mood after verbs meaning 'think' and 'know' does 
not have a strictly formal purpose. Yet Hotz makes one 
interesting formal observation. Of witan he notes that 
sometimes the mood of the verb in the complement clause 
agrees with the mood of the main verb: "As for mood after 
the subjunctival vitan [witan] in the concessive sentence 
after the ah and the conditional sentence after buton, it 
agrees with the mood of the governing verb." He presents 
as an example a sentence from J. Bosworth's edition, The 
Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels Parallel with the Versions 

of Wycliffe and Tyndale : John, 7, 51, buton aer wite 

14 
hwaet he do 'unless first he knows what he does.' His 

"concordance of mood' discussion proves more successful 

than his subsequent discussion. In another case, however, 

Hotz goes so far from the formal description that he ex- 

plains the consistency of the subjunctive mood after wen an 

in psychological terms: "The substance of the opinion 

uttered is a fact; nonetheless the subjunctive has to come 

in to denote that the subject-matter, though true, is the 

object of imagination. Thus the subjunctive appears as 

15 

the mood of subjunctive reflexion." He seems here to be 

extracting meaning which cannot be proved to exist. ■ 



14 Hotz, , p. 104. 
15 Ibid. , pp. 106-107. 



11 



Hans Glunz ' s Die Verwundung des Konjunktivs im Alten - 
glischen contains the argument that each mood in the com- 
plement clause conveys a particular intention of the writer. 
His distinctions between the moods are not so detailed as 
those of Gorrell. Indeed, he is perhaps guilty of over- 
simplification. Glunz describes two general categories: 
the subjunctive mood draws attention to the subjunctive, 
even uncertain nature of the report; the indicative mood 
emphasizes the certainty of the report. 

In his treatment of geliefan , for instance, Glunz ex- 
plains: "Auch nach Verben des Glaubens steht, obwohl der 
Glaubensinhalt im allgemeinen etwas Sicheres ist, der 
Konjunktiv, wenn das Geglaubte als von etxvas Irrigem, 
Unsicherem ("glauben" = vermuten) begingt gesehen wird." 
About the occurrence of the indicative mood, he adds". "Soil 
dagegen zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, dass der Glaube fest 
und sicher ist, wenn alle Z\^eifel am Glauben und seinem 
Inhalt wegfallen, so setz der dies erkennende Verfasser den 
Indikativ." Although he repeatedly maintains that the mood 
of the complement clause reflects the attitude of the 
erzahler and dichter toward the material in the clause, he 
eventually admits: "Es lasst sich aber hier, wie iiberall 
beim Konjunktivgebrauch, keine Regel aufstellen, wann der 
eine oder der andere Modus gebraucht wird." These 



Hans Glunz, Die_ Ve rwund ung des Konj unk tivs im Alten- 
glischen , Beitrage" zur Englischen Philologie, Heft- 11 
(Leipzig, 1929), "99. 



12 



meaning-based speculations, then, do not satisfy even 
him. 

These studies have been criticized because they pre- 
sume to understand the subtle and implicit intentions of 
the Old English scribes; their insistence, however, that 
the introductory verbs are influential in determining the 
mood of these constructions is sound. Their detailed 
accounts of the operation of each introductory verb in 
these studies encourages further investigation. 

On the other hand, Frank Behre in The Subjunctive in 
Old En glish Poetry argues that the introductory verb is 
not the factor which determines the mood of the complement 
clause. He rejects its importance because the mood of the 
complement clause is not entirely consistent: "The basis 
of . . . the use of the subjunctive after verbs of thinking 
is not merely, as is generally maintained, the form and 
nature of the governing verb. In the Old English language 
verbs of thinking and believing do not 'require' the se- 
quence of the subjunctive." Behre suggests, instead, that 
"the main factor determining the use of the subjunctive 'is 

an attitude of meditation or reflection on the part of the 

17 
speaker towards the content of the dependent thaet -clause . " 

He slightly modifies his argument to account for the 



17 

Frank Behre , The Subjunctive in Old En glish Poetry , 

Goteborgs Hogskolas Arrskrift, 40" (1934), pp. 202t203. 



13 



subjunctive after verbs of saying: "I admit that the sub- 
junctive as used in th_aet_- clauses dealt with in the present 
chapter may have originated in thaejt- clauses dependent on 
verbs of thinking (originally verbs of wishing) , but in 
that case I consider the analogical basis for the extension 
of the use of the subjunctive to thaet -clauses after verbs 
of saying to have been not only the nature of the governing 
verb, but, what is more important, the meditative character 
of the subjunctive as occurring after verbs of thinking." 
This modification is his concession to T. Frank's respected 
etymological argument. 

T. Frank, in the article "On Constructions of Indirect 
Discourse in Early Germanic Dialects," studies the earliest 
use of the introductory verbs of complement clauses to ex- 
plain the frequency of the subjunctive mood in the clauses. 
Frank suggests, for instance, that wen an and gelief an 
govern the subjunctive mood in Old English indirect dis- 
course because they were originally verbs of emotion which 
retained the subjunctive mood in their dependent clauses. 
Of the verbs of saying and telling, he speculates: "All 
we can say at present is that by some principle of differen- 
tiation a logical distribution of labor took place, illus- 
trated well in Anglo-Saxon where ewe than usually takes the 
optative, cythan the indicative, and secgan divides its 



Behre, p. 213 






14 



allegiance between them, while sprecan usually introduces 
direct discourse. It is impossible to say whether such 
distinctions are due to a late division of labor or whether 
they actually represent an inheritance of previous semantic 

differences from a time when the predecessor of qithan may' 

19 

have contained volitional content." 

Frank's theory that ewe than takes the optative (i.e., 
subjunctive) because of an earlier logical distribution of 
labor is very interesting. His suggestion that an early 
rule which was based on logical distinctions established 
that these verbs would require the subjunctive mood is a 
plausible grammatical explanation. His caution is also 
helpful: "Care must be observed not to recognize logical 
distinctions as ever thoroughly established. Divisions of 
labor between synonymous verbs on a purely economic basis, 
a lingering of old habits in spite of newly adopted seman- 
tic changes, and all the insidious forces of analogy help, 

and successfully so, to prevent the establishment of any 

20 
thorough-going principle." 

Unfortunately, he extends this argument to suggest,' 

like Gorrell, Hotz, and others, that each Old English 

writer expressed a certain degree of verisimilitude through 

the mood in the complement clause. He contrasts the 



19 

Tenney Frank, "On Constructions of Indirect Discourse 

in Early Germanic Dialects," JEGP, 7 (1907-1908), 74-75. 
20 ibid. , p. 75. 



15 



Germanic dialects with Latin and Greek thus: "In Old-High- 
German, Old Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, Old-Norse, etc., . . . 
verbs of speaking are divided in their allegiance, often 
showing, however, a tendency to use the optative in quota- 
tions, the truth or exactness of which the reporter does 
not vouch for. Such logical distinctions do not for a 
moment hold. for Latin or Greek, for in those languages the 
verba sentiendi et declarandi are on a par in the use of 
subjunctive or optative regardless of the degree of veri- 
similitude to be expressed. Nor is there any trace of any 

21 
previous existence of such logical distinctions." Later 

he concludes from his investigation a similar explanation 

for the mood variation: "Thus it is that to a remarkable 

extent the optative comes to serve as the mood of doubtful, 

questioned, unvouched-f or discourse, while the indicative 

persists in cases of greater certainty. There even arises 

a feeling that wit an should take the indicative whereas 

22 
ni witan deserves an optative." While Frank's discussion 

of etymological evidence is interesting, his speculations 

based on "a feeling" are misleading. 

These analyses have assumed that the indicative and 

subjunctive moods in the complement clauses carried meanings 

similar to their meanings in other grammatical constructions 



21 Frank, p. 70 
22 Ibid. , p. 75 



i 






16 



They have insisted that logical distinctions explain the 
mood variation in this Old English construction. But the 
manuscript sources do not illustrate that the moods have 
distinctive meanings within the complement clause; there- 
fore, it is not possible to prove these explanations either 
right or x^rong. Yet the texts do provide the substantive 
evidence necessary for a syntactic description. The pur- 
pose of the present investigation is to ascertain the in- 
fluence of the introductory verb on the mood in the comple- 
ment clause by paying attention to the syntactic signals. 

Primary Sources 

Because my study will restrict its evidence to formal 
signals, the manuscript sources need to be as reliable as 
possible. It will use, therefore, the works which make the 
clearest distinctions between the endings for the subjunc- 
tive and indicative moods. 

Eduard Sievers in the Altenglische Grammatik ,as re- 
vised by Karl Brunner in 1951, divides the Old English 
literature of the West-Saxon dialect into an early and late 
period. He restricts the early period to only those works 
preserved in manuscripts contemporary with Alfred's reign 
(871-901): Alfred's translation of Gregory's Pastoral Care, 
Alfred's Orosius , and the Parker manuscript of the An g 1 o - 
Saxon Chronicle "in ihrem altesten Teil bis 891." The 



17 



later period, he notes, is represented especially by the 
works of AElfric (c.lOGO). 23 

These West-Saxon works, then, have certain features 
which recommended such a classification. When compared 
with the early manuscripts, those of the later period re- 
flect, in their various spellings of certain suffixes, a 
confusion that results from an important sound change. The 
weakening of unaccented vowels in final syllables, whereby 
/a/,/o/,/u/, and /e/ merged as schwa, influenced the 
spellings of the plural verb endings, among others, so that 
the formal distinctions between the indicative and subjunc- 
tive moods are not so clear as they were in the early 
period. In his discussion of the weakening of vowels in 
final syllables, Sievers explains this change: "Andere 
spatws. Schwankungen in der Bezeichnung unbetonter Vokale 

sind . . . -on., -an_ im Opt. Prat, und Opt. Pras . fur -en , 

24 

• • •' "HL» "£H statt -on im Ind. Prat. PI." In a later 

chapter he specifically compares the forms of the subjunc- 
tive, present tense: "Diese -e_, -en gelten durchaus im 
Altws. bis auf einige vereinzelte - aen und -an. Das 
letzere wird spater haufiger: auch dringt spatws. die 
Endung -on, -un wie im Opt. Prat, aus dem Prat. Ind. ein." 



?3 

Altenglische Grammatik nach der angel sa chsischen 

Grammatik von Eduard Sievers neubearbeitet , ed. Karl 

Brunner (Halle, 1951), pp. 6-7. 

Ibid . , p . 31 . 






18 



Sievers points out that the forms of the preterit are not 
so easily classified, because changes in the forms occurred 

early, "Ziemlich friih dringt aber das -on, -an des Ind. 

25 

PI. auch in den Opt. ein (erst spater erscheint auch -un) . " 

Because of the eventual conflation of endings, an accurate 
study of the Old English verb form in complement clauses 
should try to avoid using examples from the writings of the 
later period. Indeed the -e or -en inflection, where 
spelling is more consistently reliable in the early period, 
is the only reliable sign that the verb is, in fact, the 
subjunctive form. 

There are, however, even in the works of the early 
West-Saxon period, indeterminate forms, the endings of which 
are common to the indicative and the subjunctive moods. The 
past tense, first person and third person singular form of 
weak verbs are identical in both moods: saegde 'I, he 
said'; lifde 'I, he lived.' The form for the present tense, 
first person singular of weak and strong verbs is likewise 
the same for the indicative and subjunctive moods: secge 
'I say'; bide 'I wait.' These indeterminate forms of the 
early period are, then, no more useful for this formal 
study than are the confused spellings for the conflated 
endings of the later West-Saxon period. 



25 • 

Brunner, pp. 305 and 30 8, 






19 



While it is difficult enough to determine the signifi- 
cance of these doubtful endings, a student of the verb 
form in the complement clause discovers also that in the 
later period the -e_ and -en forms seem to be replaced by 
endings previously reserved for designating the indicative 
form. Thus Alistair Campbell in his Old English Grammar ex- 
plains that in the West-Saxon dialect after 1000 "-St is 
frequently extended to the 2nd sg. past subj., so that 
past indie, and subj. are no longer distinguished." The 
later writings, therefore, contain far too many problems 
for a convincing descriptive study of the mood in the com- 
plement clause. Gorrell examines these late West-Saxon 
works. Because it is difficult for him to distinguish the 
subjunctive mood from the indicative mood on the basis of 
verb spellings alone, his explanations are unconvincing. 
He does have enough formal evidence from early West-Saxon 
texts to support this opening statement on ewe than : 
" Cwethan is the most generally used of verbs of direct 
utterance and the most consistent in calling forth the 
subjunctive." He notes, however, that he found examples 
of the indicative mood with cwethan in the late West-Saxon 
works; AElfric's Lives of Saints and his Catholic Homilies 
He accounts for these instances thus: "the reference is 
to well-known biblical facts, and the time of writing was 



26 Alistair Campbell, Old English Grammar (Oxford, 1959), 
p. 32S. * 



20 



in the late Anglo-Saxon period when there was a decided 

2 7 
tendency to pass over to the indicative." Gorrell inter- 
rupts his discussion often with such unsatisfactory reason- 
ing. Because the evidence from the later period is known 
to be weak, it is better not to use such late manuscript 
sources. This study will, therefore, concentrate on the 
early West-Saxon works: Alfred's translation of Gregory's 
Pastoral Care , Alfred's Orosius , and the Parker manuscript 
of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle up to 891 for its examples of 
the complement clause construction. 

Method of Investigation 

For this description of syntax, then, I have collected 
evidence of the complement clauses from the most reliable 
texts. Each of the verbs which express acts of communica- 
tion or mental processes was studied separately. Special 
attention has been given to listing the occurrences of the 
subjunctive mood and those of the indicative mood in the 
complement clauses after each verb. When all the clauses 
after each introductory verb had been collected and a count 
revealed which mood predominated, I have compared the 
clauses which contained the predominant mood with the ex- 
ceptional clauses. The clause containing the less frequent 



27 Gorrell, op.cit. , pp. 353-354 



21 



mood has been scrutinized in an effort to determine the 
influential formal feature. In order to find the formal 
characteristics which perhaps influenced the choice of the 
exceptional mood, I have noted word order, negation, 
introductory words ( thaet , hu , and hw- words) , and the 
immediate context for the presence of gif clauses, the ah 
clauses, magan , sculan , and will an constructions, and 
formulaic devices. The study of context was the most 
effectual, because it suggested that a principle of attrac- 
tion is operating between the moods of two or more verbs 
in sentences containing the complement clause structure. 

The Attraction Theory 

This "concordance of mood" or "attraction theory" is 
discussed with reference to specific introductory verbs 
later, but I will define it fcere , Henry Sweet in his 
Anglo-Saxon Reader accounts for the exceptional occurrences 
of the subjunctive mood by citing the operation of attrac- 
tion. He does not limit his discussion to complement 
clauses, but his observation is still valuable to this 
study: "It [the subjunctive] is so used in clauses depen- 
dent on another clause containing a subjunctive, by a sort 
of attraction. ... In many cases it is doubtful whether 

the subjunctive in such cases is simply due to attraction 

? 8 

or to some idea of uncertainty, hypothesis, etc." 



28 Henry Sweet, An Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse 
(-Oxford, 18 85) , pp. xcvii -xcviii . . ' 



22 



This operation is not peculiar to Old English grammar. In 
Volume IV of his Modern English Grammar series, Otto Jes- 
persen notes that a sort of attraction operates in the 
tense-shifting in Modern English indirect speech. He labels 
as back-shifting the process whereby the present, preterit, 
and the perfect tenses in direct speech shift back to the 
past tense of the main clause in indirect speech. He pre- 
sents a typical example: "'I am glad to see you' becomes 
in indirect speech: He said (thought) that he was glad to 
see me." Jespersen explains that the shifting is sometimes 
required logically, but very frequently "is due simply to 
mental inertia": "The speaker's mind is moving in the past, 
and he does not stop to consider whether each dependent 
statement refers to one or the other time, but simply goes 
on speaking in the tense adapted to the leading idea." He 
cites this speech from Dickens to illustrate the almost 
unconscious attraction between tenses: "*I told her how I 
loved her . . . how I was always working with a courage 

such as none but lovers knew . . . how a crust well-earned 

29 

was sweeter than a feast inherited.'" Jespersen ' s # ex- 
planation for this sort of attraction in terms of "mental 
- inertia" seems especially relevant for an understanding of 
the exceptions to the rule for mood in the complement clause 



? o 

""'Jespersen, op . cit . , pp. 151-152 



23 



following each Old English verb that means 'say,' 'think,' 
'perceive,' 'feel,' or the like. 

A study of the structural facts which the Old English 
scribes have recorded, in order to arrive at an accurate 
description of the choice of mood in the Old English com- 
plement clause is, then, "as far as a syntactic analysis 

,,30 
can go." 

Generative -Transformational Terminology 



In the explanations of these structural facts which 
have influenced the mood of the complement clause, it is 
sometimes convenient to use the terms of a generative- 
transformational framework. The ideas of "deep structure" 
and "surface structure" are important for explaining cer- 
tain constructions. It is customary to distinguish the 

deep structure as that aspect which determines the phonetic 

31 

interpretation of the actual spoken or written sentence. 

Chomsky illustrates the usefulness of making such distinc- 
tions for sentences such as these: 

A. "I persuaded John to leave." 

B. "I expected John to leave." 



30 Charles Carlton, Descriptive Synta x of the Old English 
Charters, Janua Lin guar urn , Series practlca, 111 (The" Hague, 
1570) , p. "26 . Mr. Carlton's successful adaptation of Charles 
Fries' method especially confirms the validity of this 
attempt to describe the mood in the Old English complement 
clause. 

31 Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts, 1315 577 p. 16. 






24 



He warns that these sentences with similar surface struc- 
tures are "very different in the deep structure that under- 
lies them and determines their semantic interpretations." 
When analyzed, the deep structure of sentence A shows that 
"'John' is the Direct Object of the Verb Phrase [persuaded] 
as well as the grammatical Subject of the embedded sentence 
['John will leave']-" In sentence B, however, the deep 
structure reveals that "John" has "no grammatical function 
other than [that which is] internal to the embedded sen- 
tence." "John" is the logical Subject in the embedded 
sentence, "John will leave. ,p ~ The underlying deep struc- 
tures for A and B are written here to illustrate further 
the relationship between the sentence parts. Each embedded 
sentence is underlined: 

A. I persuaded John John will leave . 

B. I expected John will 1 e ave . 

Thus the similarly written forms of certain complement 
clause constructions might be derived from very different 
deep structures. When semantic investigations are rele- 
vant, such formal analyses seem to be more accurate for -a 
description of the semantic aspect than the methods of the 
' previous attempts at semantic interpretations of the com- 
plement clause construction. 



32- - - 

Chomsky, pp. 22-24 






THE OLD ENGLISH COMPLEMENT CLAUSE 

A Description of the Data 

The examples of the complement clause discussed in 
this study are grouped according to the verb that intro- 
duces each clause. Verbs like these, expressing mental 
processes or acts of communication, may have as their com-, 
plements various grammatical constructions and parts of 
speech: (1) infinitives., (.2) noun phrases, (3) adjectives, 
and (4) clauses: 

(1) Gregory's Pastoral Care , 304-10, We willath nu 
faran to thaere stowe 'We intend now to proceed 
to the place . ' 

(2) Gregory's Pastoral Care , 91-4, and noldon eow 
gecythan eowre [un] ryhtwisnesse 'and would not 
show to you your unrighteousness.' 

(3) Gregory's Pastoral Care , 113-16, thaette tha tha 
he him selfum waes lytel gethuht 'that when he 
himself was thought little.' 

(4) Orosius , 162-27, thaet hie ne cuthan angitan 
thaet hit Godes wracu waes 'that they could not 
perceive that it was the ^^rrath of God. ' 



25 






26 



Of these complements, the clauses occur most frequently; 
they are, therefore, the special concern of the present 
study. They may have one of the following beginnings: 
(1) Thaet, which is the most common introductory word: 
Orosius, 162-29, hie saedon thaem folce thaet heora godas 
him waeron irre 'they said to that nation that their gods 
were angry.' (2) Hu or hw- words: Orosius , 17-33 , ac he 
nvste hwaet thaes sothes waes 'but he knew not what was of 
truth.' (3) The gif... thonne connector: Gregory's Pastoral 
Care, 383-31, hie gethencen, gif mon on niwne we [a] 11 
unadrugodne and unastithodne micelne hrof and hefigne 
onsett, thonne ne timbreth he no healle ac hyre 'they think, 
if one set on a new wall undried and not firm a big and 
heavy roof, then he builds not a hall but a ruin. ' (4) In 
some cases, no subordinator : Gregory's Pastoral Care , 405- 
12, wenestu recce he hire aefre ma 'thinkest you he care 
for her ever more.' This description of the mood in the 
noun clauses will restrict its evidence to those clauses 
beginning with thaet , hu and hw- words. Although the verb 
of the main clause usually has only one complement clause, 
in some instances two or three clauses follow it. When 
they are introduced by the thaet or the hu and hw- word 
connectors, each of these clauses will be described. A 
typical example follows: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 161-15, 
and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe gesiehth, 
and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Codes thaet hefonlice wundor 






27 



'and show them which is the sight of exalted peace, and how 
in vain one understands that heavenly wonder of God.' 

» 

The Classification of Introductory Verbs 

The apparently arbitrary choice of mood in the comple- 
ment clause has led grammarians to ignore the possibility 
that there is a fixed syntactic rule operating in Old 
English complement clauses. I have tested the hypothesis 
that no rule governs the choice of mood by applying the 
binomial method in my investigation of the degree of con- 
sistency with which the introductory verbs require either 
the indicative mood or the subjunctive mood in the follow- 
ing clause. The probability values are based on the 
assumption that if there were no fixed rule predetermining 
a scribe's choice of mood after each introductory verb, 
then after each verb the indicative and the subjunctive 
mood would each occur half of the time. I have classified 
the introductory verbs through the findings of this statis- 
tical test. The six verbs in Group A are exclusively fol- 
lowed by the subjunctive mood in at least five constructions 
and, therefore, weakly support the no-rule hypothesis in 
probability values less than .05. Group B includes the 
verbs which, like the verbs of Group A, show a decided 
preference for one mood, yet require the other mood in pre- 
dictable contexts. The verbs in Group C have probability 



28 



values greater than .05, thus favoring the no-rule hypothe- 
sis. A final group contains the verbs which introduce in- 
direct discourse in less than five instances and, therefore, 
do not qualify as conclusive evidence for this description 
of the mood in the complement clause. 



Group A 

Indicative Subjunctive Probability Values 
Mood in the Mood in the Calculated 
Complement Complement According to the 

Binomial Method 



p < .005 

p < .03 

p < .00001 

p < .00002 

p < .005 

p < .00001 



There is little doubt that these six verbs of Group A 
require the subjunctive mood in the complement clause. If 
there were no syntax rule predetermining the influence of 
each verb, the probability that manian and wilnian could be 
followed so exclusively by the subjunctive mood is less 
than one chance in 100,000. The highest probability value 
in this group is that for geleornian at less than three 
chances in one hundred. These verbs, then, do not support 
the no-rule hypothesis. 





CI 


ause 


Clause 


Geascian 








and Geacsian 




3 





Geleornian 







5 


Manian 







86 


Thyncan 







16 


Will an 







10 


Wilnian 







25 



29 



Geascian and Geacsian 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Orosius , 8 

Geascian consistently requires the indicative mood in 
the complement clause construction. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

132-10, tha geascade he thaet ercol se ent thaet waes. 

148-16, Tha hio thaet geascade thaet thaes folces waes swa 
fela to him gecirred. 

160-1, AEfter thaem the Tarentine geacsedan thaet Pirrus 
dead waes . 

196-9, Tha Romane geacsedan thaet tha consulas on Ispanium 
ofslagen waeron. 

200-11, Ac siththan Scipia geascade thaet tha foreweardas 
waeron feor thaem faestenne gesette. 

230-4, thaer he geascade thaet Geowearthan goldhord waes. 

236-8, Tha Silla geacsade on hwelc gerad Marius com to 
Rome . 

282-7, Tha Maximianus geacsade thaet his sunu feng to 
thaem onwalde. 



Geleornian 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the' Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 5 

The subjunctive mood occurs in each complement clause 
following geleornian. 



30 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

81-25, thaet[is thaet] he geleornige thaet he selle Gode 
his agne breosth. 

191-1, Geleornigen eac tha beam thaet hi sua hieren hira 
ieldrum. 

191-4, Geleornigen eac tha faederas and tha hlafurdas 
thaet hie wel libben[de] gode bisene astellen. 

275-24, Thy we sculon geleornian thaet we suithe waerlice 
gecope tiid aredigen. 

319-7, thaet tha oferetolan geleornoden thaet hie to 
ungemetlice ne wilnoden flaescmetta. 



Manian 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 



Pastoral Care 







86 



Manian introduces a complement clause in Gregory's 
Pastoral Care only. The construction follows either of 
these two patterns with such consistency that it might be 
determined by formulaic conventions: 

Eac 



(1) \ Fo rthaem 

OrTiean thaet 



+ sint + to manianne + noun phrase 
+ (subordinate clause) + thaet and a 



conventional complement clause. 
(2) noun phrase + sint + to manianne + (subordinate clause) 

+ thaet and a conventional complement clause. 
Neither variation of the patterns nor indicative verb forms 
in certain subordinate clauses alters the choice of mood in 
the complement clause. 



31 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

191-12, Eac sint to manianne tha underthiocidan and tha 

anlepan menn the aemtige beoth thaes thaet hie for 
othre menn suincen thaet hie huru hie selfe 
gehealden. 

191-16, Tha ofer othre gesettan sint to manianne thaet hie 
for hira monna gedwolan ne weorthen gedemde. 

191-21, Tha ofergesettan sint to monianne thaet hie' sua 
otherra monna giemenne gefyllen. 

195-15, Ac tha sint to manianne the fore othre beon sculan, 
thaet hie fjeornlice tha ymb sion the hie ofer beon 
sculon, thaet hie thaere geornfulnesse geearnigen. 

197-3, Ac hie sient suithe georne to maniganne thaet hi 
for hira untheawum hie ne forsion. 

201-10, Tha theowas sint to manianne thaet hie- simle on 

him haebben tha eathmodnesse with hira hlafordas. 

201-11, Tha hlafordas sint to manianne thaet hie naefre 
ne forgieten hu gelic hira [ge]cynd is. 

201-13, Tha thiowas sint to monianne thaette hie hiera 
hlafordas ne forsion. 

203-6, Tha lytegan sint to manianne thaet hi oferhycggen 
thaet hie thaer wieton. 

229-3, Tha gethyldegan sint to manianne thaette hie hira 
heortan getrymigen. 

229-13, Tha welwillendan sint to manianne thaet hie sua 
faegenigen othra monna godra weorca. 

237-13, Thy sint to manianne tha bilwitan anfealdan thaette, 
sua sua hie tha leasunga nyttwyrthlice fleoth, 
thaet hie eac thaet soth nytwyrthlice secgen. 

247-6, Tha truman sint to manianne thaet hie gewilnigen 
mid thaes licuman trumnesse thaet him ne losige 
sio haelo thaes modes. 

24 7-11, Forthon sint to manianne tha halan thaet hie ne 
forhycgen. 



/ 



32 



251-20, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha metruman thaet 
hie ongieten. 

253-23, Thonne sint eac to manianne tha unhalan thaet hie 
gethencen. 

255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie 
gethencen. 

257-19, Eac sint tha seocan to monianne thaet hie ongieten. 

261-1, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman to thaem. thaet 
hie gehealden. 

273-2, Eac sint to manianne tha suithe suigean thaet hie 
geornlice tiligen to wietanne. 

275-1 Eac hie sint to manianne, gif hie hiera nihstan 

lufien swa sua hie silfe, thaet hie him ne helen. 

281-19, Tha slawan sint to manianne thaet hie ne forielden. 

289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongieten 
hwaet hie on him selfum habbath. 

289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie 
ongieten hwaet hi nabbath. 

291-3, Tha monthwaeran sint to monianne thaet hie geornlice 
tiligen. 

302-13, Forthaem sint to manianne tha upahaefenan thaet hie 
ne sien bealdran. 

302-15, Tha eathmodan sint to manianne thaet hie ne sien 
suithur underthiedde . 

307-3, Tha anstraecan thonne sint to monianne thaet hie 
ongieten . 

307-7, Eac hie sint to manianne thaet hie gethencen. 

' 307-19, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha unbealdan and tha 
unfaesthraedan thaet hie hera mod mid stillnesse 
and gestaeththignesse gestrongien. 

313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah 
hie [ne] maegen theme untheaw forlaetan thaere 
gifernesse and thaere oferwiste, thaet he huru 
hine selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy unryhtaemedes . 



33 



315-8, Ond theah hie sint to manianne thaet hie no hiera 
faesten ne gewanigen. 

319-16, To manianne sint tha the hira god mildheortlice 
sellath thaette hie ne athinden on hiora mode. 

327-12, Eac sint to manianne tha the nu hiera mildheortlice 
sellath, thaet hie geornlice giemen. 

327-24, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet 
wilniath othre menn to reafigeanne, thaet hie 
geornlice gehieren thone cuide. 

335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie geornlice gethencen. 

337-5, Eac hie sint to manien(n)e thaet hie geornlice 
gethencen. 

339-6, Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie 
ongieten. 

339-24, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 

341-7, Ac hie sint aerest to manianne thaet hie cunnen 
hiora aegen gesceadwislice gehealdan. 

345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie 
gewisslice wieten. 

349-18, Ac tha ungesibsuman sint to manien(n)e, gif hie 

nyllen hiera lichoman earan ontynan to gehieranne 
tha godcundan lare , fchaet hie ontynen hiera modes 
eagan. 

351-18, Eac sint to manianne tha gesibsuman thaet hie to 
ungemetlice thaere sibbe ne wilnigen. 

355-8, Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie him 
ne ondraeden. 

355-11, Ond eft hie sint to manianne thaet hie theah tha 
sibbe anwealge oninnan him gehealden. 

361-5, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha sibbe, 
thaet hie swa micel weorc to recceleaslice and to 
unwaerlice ne don. 

363-8 Eac sint to manianne tha the on tham beoth abisgode 
thaet hie sibbe tiligath, thaet hie aerest tilgen 
to kythanne. 



> 



34 



365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne 
ongietath, thaette hie gethencen. 

365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 

371-1, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie hie selfe ongieten. 

371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen, 

375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet thaet hie be thaem 
laessan thingum ongieten. 

383-31, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 

383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 

387-8, Tha thonne sint to manianne the simle habbath 

thisse worulde thaet thaet hie wilniath' thaet hie 
ne agiemeleasien. 

387-16, Eac hie sint to monienne thaette hie no ne geliefen 

389-27, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde 

orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongieten. 

391-20, Tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen. 

391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra 
thinga wilniath, and him theah sum broc and sumu 
witherweardnes hiera forwiernth, thaette hie 
geornfullice gethencen. 

393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen. 

393-23, Tha sint to manigenne the mid thaem gebundene 

bioth, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu 
hiera aegther othres willan don scyle, thaet hira 
swa tilige aegther othrura to licianne on hiora 
gesinscipe . . . and thaet hie swa wyrcen thisses 
middangeardes weorc. 

395-31, To manigenne sint tha gesomhiwan, theah hira 

hwaethrum hwaethwugu hwilum mislicige on othrum, 
thaet hie theat gethyldelice forberen. 

397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne 
mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen. 

401-1, tha sint to manienne thaet hie swa micle ryhtlecor 
tha hefonlican bebodo healden. 



35 



401-22, Eac sint to manienne tha Godes thiowas thaet hie 
ne wenen . 

401-31, Forthaem hi sint to manigenne, gif hie tha halwendan 
forhaefdnesse gehabban ne maegen, and tha scuras 
thaere costu[n]ga adreogan ne maegen, thaet hie 
wilnigen. 

403-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie gemunen. 

405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna 
onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wacore mode 
ongeiten. 

407-19, Ongean thaet sint to manigenne tha the thonne giet 
ungefandod habbath flaesclicra scylda, thaette hie 
swa micle swithor thone spild thaes hryres him 
ondraeden. 

407-22, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi witen. 

407-27, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hie unablinnendlice 
thara leana wilnigen. 

409-22, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath 
thaes lichoman scylda thaet hie witen. 

409-27, Hi sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten. 

411-20, Eac sint to manienne tha the ungefandod habbath 
thissa flaesclicena scylda, thaet hie ne wenen. 

413-14, Hi sint [eac] to manienne thaet hi unathrotenlice 
tha gedonan synna gelaeden. 

413-22, Forthaem hie sint to manienne thaet hi aelce synne 
gethencen. 

413-31, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi gelefen. 

415-8, and eft hi sint to manienne thaet hi swa hopigen 
to thaere forgiefnesse . 

417-3, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the tha g[e]thohtan 
synna wepath, thaet hie geornlice giemen. 

417-31, Ac tha sint to manienne tha the tha gethohtan synna 
hreowsiath thaet hie geornfullice giemen. 



i 



36 



419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna wepath, 
and hi swathe ah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice 
ongieten . 

421-35, Tha thonne sint to manienne the tha [gejdonan 

scylda wepath, and [hi] swatheah ne forlaetath, 
thaette hi ongiten. 

423-28, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna 

forlaetath, and hi theah ne betath ne ne hreowsiath, 
thaet hi ne wenen. 

437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thenne hi oft syngiath 
lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten. 

449-20, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the god diegellice 
doth, and swatheah on sumum weorcum geliccetath 
thaet hi openlice yfel don, and ne reccath hwaet 
men be him sprecen, hi sint to manienne thaet hi 
mid thaere licettunge o thrum monnum yfle bisene 
ne astellen. 



Thyncan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 12 

Orosius t 4 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 16 

Whether thyncan 'seem' can legitimately be said to 
introduce the conventional sort of complement clause con- 
struction is moot because the subordinate clause functions 
as the subject rather than the object of the main verb: 
Pastoral Care , 415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne 
sie 'it seems to him that it is no sin." Yet the Old 






37 



English thyncan constructions are parallel in word order 
with constructions like 'they (he) think(s) that': Orosius , 
182-25, he thencth thaet he hit adwaesce 'he thinks that he 
increases it.' Pastoral Care , 209-16, thonne hie wenen 
thaet hie haefaben betst gedon 'when they think that they 
have done best.' In the thyncan construction as well as 
in the thencan and wen an constructions, the verbs are fol- 
lowed by thaet clauses which regularly employ the sub- 
junctive mood. In all cases the thaet clauses represent 
the adaption of the expression of a mental process from an 
independent sentence to a subordinate clause. It is true 
that the thaet clause of the thyncan constructions is not 
the object of the main verb --a feature common to all 
other complement clause constructions -- but rather it is 
the subject of the main verb. The most accurate, though 
awkward, rendering of the thyncan construction reads: 
415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nanscyld ne sie 'that it is 
no sin seems to him.' With' minor variations, the word 
order in these constructions follows its own distinctive 
pattern: pronoun in the dative case + thyncan + thaet + 
subject clause. Because thyncan consistently requires the 
subjunctive mood in its complement clause, it was not 
necessary to investigate the mood context of each clause. 



38 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

113-10, AEresth him thuhte selfum thaet thaet he waere:; 
suithe unmedeme. 

115-19, him thuhte thaet he waere his gelica. 

203-14, him selfu[m] thync(th) thaette wisdom sie. 

203-20, him selfum thynce thaette wisusth sie. 

209-24, him thonne thynce thaet he nan yfel ne doo. 

231-20, thonne thyncth him thaet hie wiellen acuelan. 

2 85-4, thenne him thyncth thaet he ryhte lade funden 
haebbe. 

321-23, him thenne thynceth thaet he suithe wel atogen 
haebbe . 

415-31, him thyncth thaet hit nan scyld ne sie. 

415-34, him thyncth thaet he haebbe fierst genogne to 
hreowsianne . 

There are two instances in which adverbs and adverb 

phrases are introduced into the clause; nevertheless, the 

subjunctive mood follows thyncan in its complement clause. 

241-4, him fulneah thyncth thaette his nawuht sua ne sie 
sua sua he aer witedlice be him wende 'it almost 
seems to him that nothing about it is not just as 
he formerly undoubtedly thought about it.' 

415-32, him thyncth, th e ah hit scyld sie, thaet othre men 
hefiglicor syngien 'it seems to him, though it is 
a sin, that other men sin more gravely.' 

In all the foregoing examples the verb thyncan has a 

th aet clause as its subject; however, it often happens that 

t hyncan has not a thaet clause, but only a noun phrase as 

subject and an adjective as complement. Alfred's Preface 

to Gregory's Pastoral Care offers an example: 






39 



25-9 , and thyncet him suithe leoht sie byrthen thaes 
lareowdomes ' and to them the burden of instruction seems 
very light.' Of course, such adjectival constructions are 
not counted here as illustrations of the complement clause 
construction: however, it is possible to assume that the 
verb be on of a thaet clause has been deleted. Before dele 
tion, then, the sentence would read like the ten illusti 
tions of complement clauses listed above: and thync et_ h 
thaet sie byrthen suithe leoht sie 'and it seems to them 
that the burden of instruction is very light.' 

Of the several sentences which contain adjective com- 
plements after thyncan , four might be mistakenly taken for 
complement clause constructions because they have thaet 
clauses closely following the verb thyncan . 



a- 
im 



261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan to rethe 
oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes suingellan 
gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why, then, shall 
it seem to any man too severe or too hard that he 
endure the castigation of God for his evil deeds.' 

The adjectives may be taken as complements of thyncan in 

the surface sentence, but can be derived from an embedded 

sentence in which they are complements of deleted b e on . 

Before the deletion of be on and the thaet subordinator , 

the sentence reads like a conventional complement clause: 

261-19, Forhwy thonne sceal aenigum menn thyncan thaet hit 
sie to rethe oththe to uniethe thaet he Godes 
suingellan gethafige for his yfelum daedum 'Why, 
then, shall it seem to any man that it be too 
severe or too hard that he endure the castigation 
of God for his evil deeds.' 



' 



40 



Before deletion of the copula, then, the thaet clause which 
introduces the adjectives is the subject of thyncan . The 
second thaet clause which occurs in the surface sentence 
is in turn the subject of the underlying clause from which 
the copula has been deleted. A tree diagram (Figure 1) 
with each clause numbered illustrates the underlying rela- 
tionships between subjects and predicates. Similarly, the 
following thyncan construction includes a thaet clause 
which could be mistaken for a complement clause construc- 
tion : 

42 7-19, ac thaet him thynce genog on thaem thaet hi hit 
selfe dyden 'but that seems to them enough, in 
this, that they did it themselves.' 

Before deletion, the structure reads as a conventional com- 
plement clause construction: 'but that seems to them that 
it be enough, in this, that they did it themselves.' 

Thaet in the last clause is not a subordinator introducing 

t 

a complement clause. In the underlying structure repre- 
sented in the tree diagram (Figure 2) it introduces the 
noun clause that is the subject of the complement clause, 
of which the predicate is "be enough." 

The third illustration of a possibly misleading thaet 
clause occurs in Alfred's original prose in his Preface to 
Gregory's Pastoral Care : 

7-6, Forthy me thyncth betre , gif iow swae thyncth, 

thaet we eac sumae bee, tha the niedbethearfosta 
sien eallum monnum to wiotonne, thaet we tha on 
thaet gethiode wenden the we eall gecnawan maegen 
'Therefore it seems better to me, if it seems so 



41 




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43 



to you, that we also translate some books, which 
are most needful for all men to know, into that 
language which we all can understand. ' 

When the deep structure is established, it becomes clear 
that the complement clause construction has been partly 
deleted: 'Therefore it seems to me, if it seems so to you, 
that it is better. . . .' As in the other two examples, 
the thaet clause is not, therefore, itself a complement 
clause structure with thyncan as the governing verb, but 
only the truncated remains of one. Its underlying relation- 
ship to the complement clause is represented by the follow- 
ing diagram (Figure 3) . 

One misleading thaet construction occurs in the Orosius 



154-18, thaet him wislecre thuhte thaet hie tha ne forluren 
'that it seemed wiser to them that they then not 
lose . ' 

The underlying complement clause can be reconstructed thus: 
'that it seemed to them that it was wiser that they then 
not lose.* The second thaet clause like the previous prob- 
lem constructions is the subject of the underlying comple- 
ment clause (Figure 4) . 

The Orosius contains some regular constructions. The 
subjunctive mood occurs in the complement clause in all 
the following thyncan illustrations: 

102-2 8, tha him thuhte thaet heo heora deadra to lyt 
haefden. 

246-25, for thon the hiere thuhte thaet hit on thaem lime 
unsarast waere. 

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46 



questions : 182-22 , Hu thyneth eow (nu) Romanum hu seo sibb 
gefaestnad waere, hwaether hie sie thaem gelicost 'How does 
it seem to you, Romans, how the peace was made fast, does 
it appear whether it be most likened to that.' 

Will an 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 10 

Will an consistently requires the subjunctive verb form 
in its complement clause. The subjunctive form occurs in 
Alfred's original prose, his Preface to Gregory's Pastoral 
Care , and his translation. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pasto r al Care 

5-24, and woldon thaet her, thy mara wisdom on londe 
waere . 

9-5, io wolde thaet [te] hie ealneg aet thaere stowe 
waeren . 

57-2, Thonne he wilnath on his mode thaet he sciele 
ricsian. 

107-22, ac wile thaet simle se other beo araered from thaem 
o thrum. 

165-11, hie wiellath thaet hie hiene eft haebben. 

237-18, Ic wille thaet ge sien wise. 

267-19, and wolde thaet hie wurden. 

347-15, forthaem he wolde thaet we haefden aegther ge 
sibbe ge wisdom. 



47 



355-18, Ic wolde, gi£ hit swa beon meahte, thaet gs with 
aelcne monn haefden sibbe eowres gewealdes. 

457-26, Gif thu wille thaet thu ne thyrfe the ondraedan 
thinne Hlaford. 



Pastoral Care 

Orosius 

Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle 

Total 



Wilnian 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 








23 

2 



No evidence available 







25 



The subjunctive verb form occurs in the complement 
clause throughout the wilnian constructions in Gregory's 
Pastoral Care and the Orosius-. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Gregory's Pastoral Care 



23-16, Nu ic wilnige thaette theos spraec stigge. 

9 3-19, and wilnath thaet he thy wi[s]ra thynce. 

135-18, hie wiliniath thaet hie thyncen tha betstan. 

135-19, hie wilniath thaet hie mon haebbe for tha betstan. 

141-16, thaet he thonne ma ne wilnige thaet he self licige 
his hieremonnum thonne Code. 

145-12, and wilnath the ah thaet thaes othre menn sugigen. 

145-13, he wilnath ma thaet hine mon lufige thonne 
ryhtwisnesse . 



48 



145-15, Se thonne wilnath suithur thaet mon lufge 
sothf aesthnesse . 

145-16, se the wilnath thaet mon nanre ryhtwisnesse fore 
him ne wandige . 

147-5, tha godan recceras wilnigen thaet hie monnum. 
licigen. 

239-25, and wilniath thaet hie hie gehyden. 

255-1, hie wilniath thaet we him gethwaere sien. 

265-8, se wilnath thaette nan thing ne sie. 

301-11, ac he wilnode thaet he waere ongieten. 

339-24, hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen. 

351-4, and ne wilniath na thaet hie to thaere ecean sibbe 
becumen. 

365-21, and wilniath thaet hie gegitsien. .. ' . 

367-22, Ac gif we wilnigen thaet hie thaes wos geswicen. 

387-9, hie wilniath thaet hie ne agiemeleasien. 

431-24, ac hit wilnath thaet hit to thon onwaecne. 

431-26, and wilnath thaet hit sie ofordruncen his agnes 
will an . 

439-35, hi wilniath thaet hi micel thyncen. 

447-15, Forthaem wilnath God to aelcum men thaet he sie. 

Orosius 



224-18, and wilnade thaet he Parthe begeate. 

290-20, and wilnedon to him thaet hie mosten on his rice 
mid frithe gesittan. 



/ 



49 



Group B 

Indicative Subjunctive Probability Values 
Mood in the Mood in the Calculated 

Complement According to the 
Binomial Method 





Complement 
Clause 


Comple 
C 1 au s e 


Ascian 
and Acsian 


1 


7 


Awritan 


1 


25 


Bebeodan 


3 


26 


Biddan 


2 


20 


Cwethan 


6 


48 


Gecythan 


16 


1 


Gehieran 


40 


2 


Gethencan 


42 


16 


Laeran 


3 


14 


Ne Witan 


.2.3 


4 


Ondraedan 


1 


14 


Ongietan 


69 


16 


Thencan 


2 


"12 


We nan 


3 


81 


Witan 


50 


8 



P 


< 


.05 


P 


< 


.0005 


P 


< 


.00001 


P 


< 


.00001 


P 


< 


.00001 


P 


< 


.0003 


P 


< 


.00001 


P 


< 


.0001 


P 


< 


.004 


P 


< 


.001 


P 


< 


.0009 


P 


< 


.0001 


P 


< 


.01 


P 


< 


.00001 


P 


< 


.0001 



The verbs in Group B are not followed exclusively by 
one mood as are the six verbs in Group A. Yet the occur- 
rences of an exceptional mood after each verb in Group B 
are so few that the probability values, like those of the 
verbs in Group A, are less than five chances in one hundred 
that the no-rule hypothesis is correct. Indeed, were there 



50 



no rule, there would be less than one chance in 100,000 
that bebeodan, biddan , or ewe than would be followed so 
regularly by the subjunctive mood and less than one chance 
in 100,000 that g'ehieran would be followed so consistently 
by the indicative mood. 

The exceptions to the regular mood in the complement 
clauses are also not explained by the no-rule hypothesis. 
In these instances structural facts provided by the texts 
show that attraction of moods and word order can explain 
the exceptions. There is no clear evidence, in spite of 
earlier arguments, that the meaning of the introductory 
verb has shifted and thus altered the regular mood of the 
complement clause. 

Ascian and Acs i an 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Orosius 1 7 

Ascian and acsian are followed by the subjunctive verb 
form in all but one case. The exception can be. explained 
by its immediate context. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

68-25, tha acsedon hie hine hu fela thaer swelcerra manna 
waere s we Ice he waes. 

120-33, het ascian thone cyning his faeder, the thaer aet 
ham waes, hwaether him leofre israere. 



51 



156-29, Tha ascedan hiene his thegnas hwy he swa heanlice 
word be him selfum gecwaede. 

162-9, and hie acsedon for hwy hie thaet dyden. 

162-24, ne acsedon hwaer thara gefarenra waere. 

214-11, ascian thonne Italie hiera agne londleode, hu him 
tha tida gelicoden. 

224-26, and ascade hie for hwy hie nolden gethencan. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

54-2, and acsedon, gif hie feohtan ne dorsten, hwider 
hie fleon woldon 'and asked, if they dared not 
fight, whether they wished to flee.' 

The influence of the indicative form of ascian on the mood 
of the past tense of will an in the complement clause might 
explain this exception; however, the subjunctive verb form 
of the gif clause makes an attraction explanation less 
likely. It is possible that the gif construction deter- 
mined the mood of the hwider 'clause . The gif . . . dorsten 
clause and the hwider . . . woldon clause constitute the 
gif construction. In this sentence the entire gif con- 
struction is the complement of ascian . The influence of 
this gif context is, then, a possible explanation for the 
exceptional choice of mood. 



Awritan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 1 25 



52 



The subjunctive mood regularly follows awritan in the 



complement clause. The construction has a particular order 

1 + awritan + (preposition + noun phrase) + thaet 
^wesanj ■ — - w r r ■> _ 

+ subject noun phrase + verb phrase. The pattern is rarely 



altered in the twenty-five subjunctive mood clauses; how- 
ever, the onlv instance of the indicative mood occurs in a 
construction of unusual order. It is possible, then, that 
the unusual word order explains the exceptional mood. The 
indicative mood of the main verb perhaps also influenced 
the verb of the complement clause by attraction. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

93-11, Hit waes awriten thaet thaes sacerdes hraegl waere 
behongen mid bellum. 

199-16, Forthaem [hit] is awriten thaette Dauid, tha he 
thone laeppan forcorfenne haefde, thaet he sloge 
on his heortan. 

215-21, Hit [is] awriten on Paules bocum thaet sio Godes 
lufu sie gethyld, and se the gethyldig ne sie, 
thaet he naebbe tha Godes lufe on him. 

233-18, the be him awriten is thaette for his aefeste 
death become ofer ealle eorthan. 

235-4, Be thaem is awriten thaet Dr[y]hten besawe to Abele 
and to his lacum. 

235-12, Be thaem is awriten thaette this flaesclece lif 
sie aefesth. 

243-15, Gehirath eac thaette thaeraefter awriten is thaette 
he haebbe his getheaht. 

2 75-15, and eft hit is awriten on Salomonnes bocum . . . 
thaette hwilum sie spraece tiid. 



53 



277-18, Swa hit awriten is on Salomonnes cwidum thaette se 

mon se the ne maeg his tungan gehealdan sie gelicost 
openre byrig. 

301-7, hit is awriten thaet he sie kyning ofer eal tha 
oferhydigan bearn. 

32 3-25, ac gehieren hwaet awriten is on Salamonnes bocum, 
hit is awrieten thaet mon ne scyle cwethan to his 
friend. 

345-10, Hit is awrieten on sancte Paules bocum thaette 
thaes gaestes waesthm sie lufu. 

353-15, and forthaem hit is awriten thaet hiera honda 
waeren gehalgode Gode. 

357-16, Be thaem aworpnan engle is awriten on thaem god- 

spelle thaet he sewe thaet weod on tha godan aeceras, 

359-3, Be thaem is ryhtlice awriten thaet he bicne mid 
thaem eagum. 

371-23, hit is awriten thaette God anscunige aelcne ofer- 
modne man. 

385-19, Hit is awriten on thaem godspelle thaette ure 
Haelend . . . wurde beaeftan his meder. 

401-33, forthaem hit is awriten thaet hit sie betere thaet 
mon gehiewige thonne he birne. 

403-1, Hit is awrieten on thaem godspelle thaet nan mon 
ne scyle don his hond. 

427-32, Be thaem is eft awriten on Genesis thaette swithe 

wacre gemanigf althod Sodomwara hream and Gomorwara. 

431-29, hit waes awriten thaet hit waere swelce se stiora 
slepe on midre sae. 

437-19, Be thaem is ai\ r riten o(n) Salomonnes bocum thaette 
se . . . thaet he wille gelisian to maran. 

445-32, hit is awriten thaet him waere betere. 

445-35, hit is awriten thaet se engel cwaede be thaem 
biscepe. 






/ 



54 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

157-6, Suithe ryhtlice hit waes awriten aefter thaem 

nitenum thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede 'Very 
rightly it was written that the idols were painted 
after the beasts.' 

Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the sub- 
ordinate clause is a possible explanation for this excep- 
tion. The unusual word order perhaps also influenced the 
scribe; in no other construction is the verb phrase broken 
up so that the adverbial phrase stands outside the thaet 
clause: aefter thaem nitenum thaet tha heargas waeron 
atiefre de , instead of thaet tha heargas waeron atiefrede 
aefter thaem nitenum . 

Besides the possibility of attraction between the 
indicative context and the verb of the complement clause, 
the presence of waeron geiew de, also in a governing verb 
position, might explain the indicative mood in this comple- 
ment clause after awritan : 

195-18, tha waeron geiewde, sua hit awritan is thaet hie 

waeron ymb eal utan mid eagum besett 'those seemed, 
as it is written, that they were all around covered 
outside with eyes.' 



55 



Bebeodan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 7 

Orosius 3 19 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 3 26 

The subjunctive mood follows bebeodan in the comple- 
ment-clause. The word order regularly follows this pattern: 
bebeodan + (nominative noun phrase) + (dative noun phrase) 
+ subordinator and complement clause. The nominative or 
the dative noun phrase, or both if they are pronouns, may 
be shifted to the front of bebeodan . Relative clauses and 
one gif construction occur in certain constructions without 
varying the mood choice in the complement clause. Attrac- 
tion between the indicative moods best explains the three 
rare instances of the indicative mood. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

81-18, Forthaem babiet sio halige ae thaet se sacerd scyle 
onfon thone suithran bogh aet thaere of[f]runge. 

319-22, Thaem hlafordum is beboden thaet hie him doon thaet 
h[i]ra thearf sie. 

321-1, and thaem thegnum is beboden thaet hie him thaet 
to genyhte don. 



56 



381-23, he bebead thaet menn namen hiora sweord. 

459-22, Forthaem waes eac beboden thurh Noyses, gi£ hwa 
adulfe pytt , and thonne forgiemeleasode thaet he 
hine betynde , and thaer thonne befeolle on oththe 
oxa oththe esol, thaet he hine scolde forgieldan. 



Orosius 

122-5, and se aetheling bebead sumum his folce thaet hie 
gebrohten Romana consulas. 

126-26, Tha bebead Alexander thaem haethnan biscepe thaet 
he becrupe on thaes Amones anlicnesse. 

140-19, Tha bebead se faeder thaem consule thaet hi mid 
his fierde angean fore, 

144-14, he thaeron bebead thaet mon ealle tha wraeccan an 
cyththe forlete. 

150-5, AEfter thaem Antigones bebead thaet mon aegther 
hete cyning. 

204-7, him bebead se consul thaet hie eal hiera heafod 
besceaten . 

206-16, tha bebead he sumum thaem folce thaet hie from 
thaem faestenne aforen. 

228-9, he bebead his twaem sunum thaet hie thaes rices 
thriddan dael Geoweorthan sealden. 

248-15, Sum waes aerest thaet he bebead ofer ealne middan- 
geard thaet aelc maegth ymbe geares ryne togaedere 
come . 

248-23, Thridde waes thaet he bebead thaet aelc thara the 
on eltheodignesse waere, come to his agnum earde. 

248-25, he bebead thaet mon tha ealle sloge. 

260-30, and bebead his agnum monnum thaet hie simle gegripen 
thaes licgendan feos swa hie maest mehten. 

264-26, and ge bebead his aldormon (n)um thaet hie waeren 
cristenra monna ehtend. 

266-16, and he bebead thaet mon timbrede on otherre stowe 

Hierusalem tha burg, and thaet hie mon siththan h n te 
be noman Helium. 






57 



268-4, and hie bebudon thaet mon aelcne cristenne mon 
ofsloge . 

282-28, On thaem dagum Lucin(i)us bebead thaet nan cristen 
mon ne come . 

288-6, He him bebead thaet he forlete thon(n)e his 
cristendom oththe his folgath. 

290-1, swa thaet he bebead thaet munecas-the woroldlica 
thing forgan sculon, and waepna gefeoht-thaet hie 
waepena namen. 

296-31, thaet he bebead thaet mon naenne mon ne sloge. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 



The following bebeodan constructions occur in Alfred's 
Preface : 

5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic 
geliefe thaet thu eille. 

9-2, Ond ic bebiode on Godes naman thaet nan mon thone 
aestel from thaere bee ne do. 

It is not clear whether the |.haet . . . geaem etige clause in 

the following sentence is the complement of bebeodan, gelie- 

fan, or will an ; therefore, I merely present it without 

counting it as evidence of bebeodan ' s influence on the verb 

of the complement clause: . 

5-1, and forthon ic the bebiode thaet thu do swae ic 
geliefe thaet thy wille, thaet thu the thissa 
woruldthinga to thaem genemetige swae thu oftost 
maege[l]'and therefore I command you that you do 
as I believe that you will, that you free yourself 
of these xvorldly matters to such an extent as you 
most often may. ' 



58 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Orosius 



114-30, and him bebead thaet hie thaet lond hergieade waeron 
oth hie hit awesten 'and commanded them that they 
were (to keep on) plundering until they destroyed 

it. ' 

248-26, Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden thaet we 
sculon cuman of thisse worolde to ures faeder 
oethle 'That showed that it is commanded to all of 
us that we ought to come from this world to the 
realm of our father. ' 

262-19, and he bebead Tituse his suna thaet he towearp 
thaet tempi on Hierusalem 'and he commanded Titus 
his son that he destroy the temple in Jerusalem. ' 



Biddan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care ~ 4 

Orosius 1 15 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle 1 1 



Total 2 20 

The subjunctive mood. occurs regularly after biddan 
in complement clause constructions. Two exceptional indica- 
tive clauses appear in the Orosius and the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle . The indicative form of biddan introduces all 
but one of the clauses in the entire stock of regular sub- 
junctive clauses, and in those two cases has apparently 
altered the scribe's choice of mood. 






59 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

63-12, se se the- bitt thone monn thaet him thingie with 
otherne the he bith eac ierre. 

304-4, and we hie thonne biddath thaet hie for urum thingum 
hira untheawa gesuicen. 

413-19, Ic the bidde thaet thu no ne locige on mine synna. 

467-23, Ac ic the bidde thaet thu me on thaem scipgebroce 
thisses andweardan lifes sum bred geraece thinra 
gebeda. 



Orosius 

64-28, mid thaem the hie baedon thaet hie him fylstan 
mosten. 

66-1, and heora faederum waeron to fotum feallende, and 
biddende thaet hie for thara cilde lufan thaes 
gewinnes sumne ende gedyden. 

82-18, He baed hie eac thaet hie gemunden thara ealdena 
treowa. 

82-20, and hie bidde (nde) waes thaet hie mid sume seara- 
wrence from Xerse thaem cyninge sume hwile awende , 

92-7, and hie baedon thaet hie frith with hie haefden. 

98-14, and baedon thaet hie tidlice hamweard waere. 

98-19, and hine baedon thaet he him on fultume waere. 

118-14, and baedon thaet hie ealle gemaenelice cunnoden. 



140-15, Tha baed his faeder-waes eac Fauius haten-thaet 
tha senatum forge af en thaem suna thone gylt. 

146-29, and hiene baedon thaet he him ageafe thaet he 
(aer) on him gereafade. 

200-31, and baedon thaet he him to fultume come. 

212-4, oth tha burgware baedon thaet hie mosten beon 
hiera undertheowas . 






60 



268-13, Tha baedon hie tha cristnan men thaet hi heora an 
sume wisan gehulpen. 



Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 
-An. 167, baed thaet he waere cristen gedon. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Orosius 



114-21, Aefter thaem Atheniense baedan Philippus, thaet 

he heora ladtheow waere with Focenaes thaem folce 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement -Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Orosius 



100-6, and baeden thaet hie thaes gefeohtes geseicen, 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Orosius 



192-22, AEfter thaem Centenus Penula se consul baed thaette 
senatus him fultum sealdon. 



Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 



6 8 -An. 86 8, and Burgraed Miercna cyning and his wiotan 

baedon AEthered West Seaxna cyning and Aelfred 
his brothur thaet hie him gefultumadon. 






61 



Cwethan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 2 29 

Orosius 3 16 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle 1 3 



Total 6 48 

The subjunctive mood regularly follows cwethan in the 
complement clause. The word order follows the usual pat- 
tern: cwethan + thaet + subject noun phrase + verb + object. 
As with another verb that expresses an act of communication, 
secgan 'say,' which will be considered later, the word 
order in the exceptional clauses differs from the normal 
pattern; for most of the exceptions, the verb is the last 
item of the series. While the verb occurs as the last item 
in some clauses which contain the subjunctive mood, that is 
the predominant order in the exceptional indicative mood 
clauses; nevertheless, attraction between the indicative 
moods seems also to be an, important influence in the 
scribe's use of the exceptional mood in the complement 
clause . 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

73-2, tha he cwaeth thaet aelces yfeles xv T yrttruma waere 



62 



91-8, and cuaeth thaet hie scolden leasunga witgian. 

107-18, Ic cuaeth thaet aeghwelc monn waere gelice othrum 
acenned. 

115-20, He cuaeth to him thaet he waere his gelica. 

135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth na thaet tha 

giemmas waeren, forsceadne aefter [thaem] straetum. 

157-5, the sanctus Paulus cuaeth thaet waere hearga and 
idelnesse gefera. 

197-19, and cuaeth thaet hit no gedaefenlic naere. 

211-5, sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes. 

249-15, Ond eac cuaeth Salomonn thaet fremde ne scolden 
beon gefyllede ures maegenes. 

279-24, he cwaeth thaette sio suyge waere thaere 
ryhtwisnesse fultum midwyrhta. 

2 81-7, he cwaeth thaet hio waere unstille, yfel and 
deathberendes atres full. 

319-4, he cuaeth thaet hit waere good thaet mon foreode 
flaesc and win for bisene his brothrum. 

335-18, and ryhtlicor we magon cwethan thaet we him gielden 
scylde. : 

341-1, swa swa we aer bufan cwaedon . . . thaet hie thonne 
for waedle weorthen on murcunga and on ungethylde. 

381-24, and cwaeth thaet tha scolden bion synderlice Godes 
thegnas . 

387-26, and cwaeth thaet hie wolden weorthan forlorene and 
oferwunene mid orsorgnesse. 

399-24, He cwaeth thaet hio waere swithe neah. 

403-33, He cwaeth thaet hi hi forlaegen on Egiptum on hira 
gioguthe . 

409-3, swa swa we aer cwaedon, thaet hie sceolden habban 
ece eardungstowe on thaes faeder huse furthor. 

409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen. 






63 



409-33, Thios sae cwith thaet thu thin scamige, Sidon. 

419-11, tha he cwaeth thaet hio him sona forgiefen waere. 

419-13, he cwaeth thaet him waere aer forgiefen. 

423-17, Hwaet, sanctus Paulus cwaeth thaet he gesawe 
otherne gewunan. 

449-6, Be swelcum monnum cwaeth Dryhten thaet hi waeren 
gelicost deadra manna byrgennum. 

449-15, Be thaem cwaeth Dryhten on his godspelle thaet 
thaet waere hira med. 

Orosius 



The first two illustrations come from Alfred's original 

prose, "Ohthere's Narrative": 

17-2, He cwaeth thaet he bude on thaem lande northweardum 
with tha Westsae. 

19-10, He cwaeth thaet nan man ne bude be northan him. 

44-11, and cwaedon thaet hit gemalic \vaere . 

54-29, and cwaeth thaet thaem weorce nanum men aer ne 
gerise bet to fandianne. 

56-20, and cwaedon thaet hie to rathe wolden fultumlease 
beon aet heora bearnteamum. 

5 8-1, to thon thaet hie cwaedon thaet hie Mesiana folce 
withstondan mehten. 

82-31, and cwaeth thaet hit gerisenlic [re] weare. 

92-35, and cwethath thaet him Gotan wyrsan tida gedon 
haebben thonne hie aer haefdon. 

174-25, tha cwaedon hie thaet him leofre waere. 

178-15, and cwaeth thaet him to micel aewisce waere. 

194-11, and cwaedon thaet hie tha burg \\ r erian wolden. 

202-17, and cwaedon thaet him soelest waere. 

210-22, hie cwaedon thaet him leofre waere. 



64 



214-8, thonne magon hie ryhtor cwethan thaet thaet waeren 
tha ungesaelgestan. 

252-26, swa thaette sume men cwaedon thaet hio waere mid 
gimstanum gefraetwed. 



Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 

48-An.755, and tha cuaedon hie thaet him naenig maeg 
leofra naere thonne hiera hlaford. 

48-An.755, and hie cuaedon thaet thet ilce hiera geferum 
geboden waere. 

48-An.755, Tha cuaedon hie thaet hie [hie J thaes ne 
onmunden thon ma the eowre geferan. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

43-7, buton he cuethan wielle thaet he ne lufige thone 
Hlaford. 



Orosius 



80-7, thaet mon eathe cwethan mehte thaet hit xvundor 
waere . 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

32 3-8, thonne cuethe ge thaet ge sien unnytte theowas. 

377-20, thonne wille we cwethan thaet he sie genog ryhtlice 
his brothor deathes scyldig. 

About verbal forms without final -n, like that in 
sentence 32 3-8, Wright states: "Final -n disappeared in 
verbal forms before the pronouns we, wit ; ge , git. " 



Joseph Wright and Elizabeth Mary Wright, Old Engl ish 
Grammar (London, 1908), p. 138. 






65 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

The indicative mood occurs only twice after ewe than 

in Gregory's Pastoral Care ; both instances occur in the 

same sentence. It is difficult to explain the exceptional 

mood when the regular subjunctive mood occurs in another 

ewe than construction also within the same sentence: 

211-3, sua thaette sume suaedon thaet hie waeron Apollan, 
sume cuaedon thaet hi waeron Saules, sume Petres, 
sum cuaeth thaet he waere Cristes 'so that some 
said that they were Apollo ' s , some said that they 
were Saul's, some Peter's, one said that he was 
Christ's.' 

The attraction principle can explain the rare instance of 

the indicative mood after ewe than in the first two clauses 

of the series. It is, then, possible that the interruption 

in the sume cuaedon pattern by the elliptic clause, sume 

Petres, explains the scribe's return to the use of the 

• subjunctive mood in the final clause of the same series. 

Orosius 



214-7, Gif hie thonne cwethath thaet tha tida goda waeron, 
254-28, and cwaedon thaet hie niene for god habban noldon. 

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 

80 -An. 887, and hi cuedon thaet hie thaet to his honda 
healdan sceoldon. 



66 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Orosius 



One exceptional . instance of the indicative mood after 

ewe than cannot be explained according to attraction: 

214-3, Thaet sindon tha godan tida the hie ealneg fore- 
gielpath, gelicost thaem the hie nu cwethen thaet 
tha tida him an urn gesealde waeren and naeren eallum 
folcum 'That those are the good times of which 
they always boast; as if they now said that those 
times were given to them alone and were not (given) 
to all people . ' 

The indicative waeron juxtaposed against the subjunctive 

naeren is perhaps the scribe's attempt to contrast the two 

verbs. A stylistic explanation of this sort seems to be 

the best solution for the problem. 

Gecythan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

§ 

Pastoral Care 12 1 

Orosius 4 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 16 1 

Gecythan requires the indicative mood in the comple- 
ment clause construction. The subjunctive mood in the one 
instance in which it occurs appears to be a marker for 
contrast . 






67 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

33-6, thy we wojdon gecythan hu micel sio byrthen bith 
thaes lareowdomes. 

16 3-11, thonne he him gecythth hu sio byrthen wiexth and 
hefegath. 

163-15, thonne he him gecyth mid hu scearplicum costungum 
we sint aeghwonon utan behrincgde. 

211-14, ge habbath gecythed thaet ge ures nanes ne siendon. 

409-2, Thaem monnum is gecythed hwelce stowe he moton 
habban beforan urum faeder. 



Orosius 

100-8, Thaet is mid Crecum theaw thaet mid thaem worde 
bith gecythed hwaether healf haefth thonne sige. 

142-25, hie thonne gecythath on thaem aete hwelc heora 
maest maeg gehrifnian. 

296-3, Ac hie gecythdon rathe thaes hwelce hlafordhylde 
hi thohton to gecythanne on hiora ealdhlafordes 
bearnum. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pas tora l Care 

115-15, and mid thy anwalde gecythde thaet he waes ieldesth 
ofer tha halgancirican. 

117-5, hraedlice he gecythde thaet he waes magister and 
ealdormonn. 

281-6, Eft bi tha'm ilcan he gecythde hwaet thaere tungan 
maegen is. 

343-6, Ac Dryhten gecythde thurh Salomon thone snottran 
hu micel his irsung ae.fter thaere daede bith. 

401-26, He gecythde hwelc sio scyld bith. 



68 



405-16, and swatheah us gecythde . . . thaet us waere 

gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to 
us showed . . . that his mercy was ready for us, 
that (his) justice was not.' 

Such inverted word order rarely happens in the thaet clause: 

gecythan + verb phrase + thaet + subject noun phrase. Even 

so, it seems better to translate thaet as a subordinator 

than as the neuter determiner, 'the justice was not.' 

451-6, he us gecythde forhwy he hit forbead. 

Orosius 



60-21, Thaet wille ic gecythan, thaet tha ricu of nanes 
monnes mihtum swa gecraeftgade [ne] wurdon. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's P astoral Care 

405-16, and swatheah us gecythde, gif we aefter thaem 

hryre urra scylda to him gecierdon, thaet us waere 
gearo his miltsung, naes thaet ryht 'and yet to us 
showed, if we after the fall of our sins came to 
him, that his mercy was ready for us, that (his) 
justice was not . ' 

The principle of attraction does not adequately explain 

this occurrence of the subjunctive mood; not only is the 

main verb an indeterminate form, but also the verb of the 

gif clause immediately preceding the thaet clause is in 

the indicative mood. Perhaps a better explanation is that 

the scribe thus emphasizes the contrast between mercy which 

waere gearo and justice which naes ( gea ro) . 



69 



Gehieran 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 39 2 

Orosius No evidence available 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle 1 



Total 40 2 

The indicative mood regularly occurs in the comple- 
ment clause introduced by gehieran . The main verb is often 
in the subjunctive mood and apparently determined the excep- 
tional mood of the complement clauses in two instances. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

111-11, suelce he gehierth thaet his olicceras secgath. 

265-24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaet on him bith gefyllad. 

315-23, Ac us Is suithe geornlice to gehieranne hwaet 
Gryhten threatigende cuaeth. 

355-6, Be thaem we magon gehieran thaette sua micle sua 
we us swithur qethiedath. 

373-2, Eac hie sculon gehieran hwaet to thaem lareowum 
gecweden is thurh Salomon. 

379-15, Eac hi sculon gehieran hu sanctus Iohannes waes 
gemanod . 

379-24, Eac hie sculon gehieran thaette thurh Salomon is 
gehaten . 

387-31, Be thaem wordurn we maegon gehieran thaet hie waeron 
swithe suithlice eetaelde. 






70 



401-10, Ac hi scolcion gehira[n] hwaet Paulus cwaeth. 

407-32, Hi sculon geliieran hwaet thurh Essaias theme 
witgan ge ewe den is. 

409-5, Hi sculon gehieran hwaet thurh sanctus Iohannes 
gecweden is. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 



48-An.755, Tha on morgenne gehierdun thaet thaes cyninges 
thegnas the him beaeftan waerun thaet ae cyning 
ofslaegen waes. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

243-10, Gehieren tha unclaenen and tha lytegan hu hit 
awriten is. 

299-7, Gehieren- tha eathmoden hu ece thaet is . . . and 
hu unagen thaet is . 

299-13, Gehieren eac tha upahaefenan hu gewitende tha thing 
sint . 

299-15, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Salomon cuaeth. 

299-16, Gehieren eac the upahaefenen on hira mode hu he 
eft cuaeth. 

299-18, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet God cuaeth thurh 
Essaim thone witgan. 

299-21, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet Salomon cuaeth. 

299-22, Gehieren tha eathmodan hweat on psalmum gecueden 
is . 

301-1, Gehieren tha eathmodan hwaet Crist cuaeth. 

301-3, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hweat Salomon cuaeth. 

301-6, Gehieren tha upahaefenan hwaet awriten is. 



71 



317-13, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth. 

317-15, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus 
cuaeth. 

317-19, Gehieren eft tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth. 

317-21, Gehiren eft tha oferetolan hwaet he to him cuaeth. 

317-23, Gehieren eac tha faestendan hwaet he to him cuaeth. 

319-3, Gehieren tha oferetolan hwaet sanctus Paulus cwaeth, 

319-5, Gehiren tha faestendan hwaet he eft cuaeth. 

32 3-6, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is. 

323-18, ac gehiren hwaet awriten is. 

323-25, ac gehieren hwaet awriten is. 

359-9, ac gehiren tha wrohtsaweras hwaet awriten is. 

371-13, Ac gehieren hwaet awriten is. 

409-16, Gehieren eac tha the ungefandod habbath thara 

flaesclicana scylda hwaet sio Sothf aesthnes thurh 
hie selfe cwaeth. 

441-19, Ac gehiren hi thaet thas andweardafn] god bioth 

from aelcre lustfulnesse swithe hraedlice gewitende, 

f 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

303-6, thaet hit sie the lusthbaerre to gehieranne sua ' 
hwaet sua we him auther oththe lean oththe laera 
wiellen 'that it be the more cheerful to hear 
whatever we wish for them either to blame or to 
teach. ' 

379-17, Se the gehire thaet hine mon clipige 'he who hears 
that one calls him. ' 

Attraction between the mood of the main verb and the verb 

of the complement clause in these exceptions best explains 

the scribe's choice of mood. 






72 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Imperative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

243-13, Gehirath hwaet of thaes wis an Salomonnes muthe waes 
gecueden. 

381-12, Gehierath hwaet on Cantica Canticorum is awriten. 



Gethencan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 37 16 

Orosius 5 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 42 16 

Although both the indicative and subjunctive moods 
follow gethencan in complement clause constructions , the 
indicative mood predominates. The order of the Items in 
the construction varies with both moods, and interrupting 
words and phrases frequently occur around the main items of 
the constructions. Attraction between moods can explain 
the exceptional occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the 
complement clause construction, because in the majority of 
such clauses, gethencan is in the subjunctive mood. The 
established indicative mood naturally occurs whether the 
indicative mood or the subjunctive mood occurs in the main 
clause or in another subordinate clause. 



73 



Indicative Hood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

29-6, thonne is to gethencanne hwaet Cristh self cueth on 
his godspelle. 

37-2 3, ne gethencan ne con hwaet him losath on thaere 

gaelinge the he tha hwile amierreth and hu swithe 

he on tham gesyngath. 

107-21, se godcunda dom gethencth thaette ealle men gelice 
beon ne magon. 

109-1, sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth othrum 
monnum on hira gecynde. 

117-16, and eac we magon suigende gethencean on urum 

inngehygde , theah we hit ne sprecen, thaet hie 
beoth beteran thonne we. 

127-16, Monige theah nyllath na gethencean hu gelice hie 
beoth othrum brothrum ofergesett. 

313-13, Ac we sculun gethencean, sua oft sua we ure hand 

doth to urum muthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet 
we geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde. 

329-9, Be thaem we magon gethencean hu micles wites tha 
beoth weorthe the othre menn reafiath. 

343-14, Ac tha reaferas gethenceath swithe oft hu micel hie 
sollath. 

349-14, Of thissum bebode we magon gethencean hu unaberendlic 
gylt sio towesnes bith. 

359-11, By thaem worde we magon gethencean, nu tha sint . 

Codes beam genemned the sibbe wyrcath, thaette tha 
sindon butan tweon diofles beam. 

377-3, Hwy ne magon hie thonne gethencean, gif hie on 

thaem gesyngiath, hu micle swithur hie gesyngiath. 

383-28, Hwaet hie magon gethencean thaet fugla briddas, 

gif hie aer wilniath to fleoganne, aer hira fethra 
fulwe[a]xene sin, thaette sio wilnung hie genithrath 
the hi aer upahefth. 



74 



385-23, Thonne is us [thaet] swithe wocorlice to gethen- 

ceanne thaette ure Haelend, tha tha he twelfwintre 
waes, tha waes he gemet sittende tomiddes thara 
lareowa. 

397-5, thonne hie gethenceath hwaet hi othrum monnum 
f'orberath. 

397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftraed- 
lice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem 
haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe 



Orosius 

122-15, and nellath gethencan hu lath eow selfum waes to 
gelaestanne eowre athas thaem the ofer eow anwald 
haefdon. 

146-11, hie gethoht haefdon thaet hie hiene besaetedon. 

152-32, and nyllath gethencan hwelc hit tha waes. 

200-10, and gethoht haefdon thaet hie thaer sceoldon 
wintersetl habban. 

296-21, Ge magon eac gethencan hu hean he eft wearth his 
geblota and his diofolgilda the he on gelifde. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

77-5, Gethencen hie thonne bet\vuh him selfum hu suithe 
hie sculon beon geclaensode. 

81-6, gethence he thonne thaet he is efnmicel nied. 

117-15, gethence he thaet he bith self suithe gelic tham 
ilcan monnum. 

233-14, Gethencen be thysum tha aefstigan hu micel maegen 
bith. 

Besides the rule established for gethencan complement 
clauses, the formulaic nature of the manian-gethencan con- 
structions is perhaps determining the indicative mood in 
the complement clause also. 



75 



253-23, Thonne sint eac to man i arm e tha unhalan thaet hie 
gethencen mid hu monigfaldum ungetaesum and mid hu 
heardum brocum us swingath 'Then the unhealthy are 
to be admonished that they consider with how mani- 
flod severities and with how hard afflictions (our 
worldly fathers and masters) chastise us.' 

255-13, Eac sint to manianne tha mettruman thaet hie 

gethencen hu micel haelo thaet bith 'Also the sickly 
are to be admonished that they consider how much 
health there is . ' 

335-9, hie sint to manianne thaet hie eornlice gethencen 
thaet thios eorthe, the him thaet gestreon of com, 
eallum mannum is to gemanan geseald 'they are to 
be admonished that they carefully consider that 
this earth, from which the gain came to them, is 
given to ail men in common. ■ 

337-5, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice 

gethencen thaette se fiicbeam, the on thaem god- 
spelle gesaed is thaette nanne waesthm ne baere, 
stod unnyt 'Also they are to be admonished that 
they earnestly consider that the fig tree, which 
in the gospel is said that it bore no fruit, stood 
useless . ' 

35 7-15, Tha wrohtgeornan sint to manigenne thaet hie 

gethencen hwaes folgeras hie sindon 'The lovers 
of strife are to be admonished that they consider 
whose followers they are.' 

365-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen thaet 
tha halgan gewritu sint us to leohtfatum gesald 
'Also they are to be admonished that they consider 
that the Holy Scriptures are given to us' as lan- 
terns . ' 

383-33, Eac [hi] sint to manigenne thaet hi gethencen 

thaette tha wif the tha geeacnodan beam cennath 
the thonne git fulborene ne bioth, ne fyllath hie 
no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also they are to be 
admonished that they consider that those women, 
who bring forth the conceived children, when they 
are not yet full born, fill not by that houses but 
tombs . ' 

391-20, tha sint to manienne thaet hie geornlice gethencen 
mid hu micelre giefe ofer him wacath se Scippend 
'those are to be admonished that they carefully 
consider with how much favor the Creator watches 
over them. ' 



76 



391-33, Eac sint to manigenne tha the thissa hwilendlicra 
thinga wilniath . . . thaette hie geornfullice 
gethencen thaette oft ryhtwise menn mid thys 
hwilendlican anwealde weorthath upahaefene 'Also 
those who desire these transitory things . . . are 
to be admonished that they consider carefully that 
often righteous men become exalted with this transi- 
tory power. ' 

393-12, Eac hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen hu 
hit awriten is be Salamonne, hu he aefter swa 
miclum wisdome afioll, emne oththaet he dioflum 
ongan gieldan 'Also they are to be admonished that 
they consider how it is written about Solomon, how 
he after so much wisdom fell, even until he began 
to sacrifice to devils.' 

397-3, Tha gesinhiwan mon sceal manian, and eac gehwelcne 
mon, thaet hie no laes ne ne gethencen hwaet othre 
men him forberath 'One ought to admonish the married 
persons, and also everyone else, that they not 
consider less what other men tolerate in them. ' 



445-26, Eac hie sint to manienne thaet hi geornlice 

gethencen thaette hit bith wyrse thaet mon a onginne 
faran on sothfaestnesse weg, gif mon eft wile 
ongeancierran, and thaet ilce on faran 'Also they 
are to be admonished that they carefully consider 
that it is worse that one begins to travel on the 
road of truth, if one will afterwards turn back and 
travel on that same [way) . ' 

447-28, Tha thonne sint to manienne tha the yfel degellice 
doth, and god openlice, thaet hi gethencen hu 
hraedlice se eorthlica hlisa o fergaeth , and hu 
unanwendenlice se go[d]cunda th urhwunath 'Those 
then are to be admonished who do evil secretly, 
and good openly, that they consider how quickly 
earthly fame passes away, and how firmly the divine 
(fame) lasts . ' 

The manian and gethencan combination governs the sub- 
junctive mood in four of the eighteen complement clause 
constructions. While attraction in these instances can 
explain the subjunctive mood, the underlying forms of these 
exceptional clauses reveal significant differences when com- 
pared with the indicative clauses. 



77 



339-24, hie sint to manigenne thaet hie gethencen, ongemang 
thaem the hie wilniath thaet hie gifule thyncen, 
thaet hie for thaem godan hlisan thy forcuthran ne 
weorthen 'they are to be admonished that they con- 
sider, while they wish that they seem generous, 
that for that good fame they do not become the more 
depraved. ' 

For the first problem illustration Sweet translates the 

gethencan construction thus: 

' [they] are to be admonished to take care . . . 
that for that good fame they do not become 
the more depraved.' 

A direct command, 'Do not become the more depraved,' is the 
underlying form for this surface sentence, rather than a 
description of a situation, which the fourteen regular com- 
plement clauses represent. 

The second problem sentence is also different from the 
indicative complement clauses which follow man i an and 
gethencan : 

365-7, Tha sint to maniene the tha ae ryhtlice ne ongietath, 
thaette hie gethencen thaette hie thone halwendan 
drync thaes aethelan wines ne gehwyrfen him selfum 
to attre, and isen thaet hie menn mid lacnian 
souldon, thaet hie mid thaem hie selfe to feore ne 
gewundigen 'Those are to be admonished who do not 
understand the law rightly, that they consider 
that they not turn the salutary draught of noble 
wine into poison for themselves, and the iron that 
they should cure men with, that they with that not 
wound themselves too deeply.' 

Sweet translates this problem sentence thus: 

'Those who do not understand the law rightly 
are to be admonished not to turn the salutary 
draught of noble wine into poison for them- 
selves , and not to wound themselves mortally 
with the lancet with which they should cure men.' 

A direct command underlies each surface structure: 'Do not 



i 



/ 



78 



turn the salutary draught of noble wine into poison for 

yourself,' and 'do not wound yourself too deeply.' 

A negative command, 'Do not cause discord with the 

words,' underlies the fourth exceptional clause: 

371-11, Ac hie mon sceal manian thaet hie gethencen thaette 
hie selfe ne geunthwaerigen thaem wordum the hie 
laerath 'But one ought to admonish them that they 
consider that they themselves not cause discord 
with the words which they teach. ' 

It is possible, then, that these different underlying forms 

explain the exceptional mood in the clause after the manian 

and gethencan combination. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

85-11, Be thaem ge thence sacerd, thonne he othre men 

healice laerth, thaet he eac on him selfum healice 
ofthrysce tha lustas his untheawa. 

95-8, Forthaem gethence se lariow thaet he unwaerlice 
forth ne raese on tha spraece. 

159-14, thonne gethence ge hwaet ge sien and hwelce ge sien, 

273-4, ac him is micle mare thearf thaet hie gethencen 
hwelce hi hie innan geeowigen Gode, and thaet hi 
swithor him ondraeden for hiera gethohtum thone 
diglan Deman. 

289-25, ac gethencen thaet he sie gesceadwislic and 
gemetlic. 

306-2, gif hie be aenegum daele wolden gethencean hwaet 
hie selfe waeren. 

321-13, and eac him is micel thearf thaet hie geornlice 

gethencen thaet hie to unweorthlice ne daelen thaet 
him befaesth bith. 






79 



363-12, forthon, thonne thonne hie gethencath tha ryhtan 

lu£e , thaet hie eac gethencen thaet hie ne weorthen 
beswicene mid thaere uterran lufe. 

In one instance the subjunctive mood occurs in the comple- 
ment clause even though the main verb is in the indicative 
mood; it is true, ho\\ r ever, that the clause between the main 
verb and the thaet clause contains a verb in the subjunctive 
mood. It is possible, then, that an attraction is operating: 

325-17, For thy mon sceal aer gethencean, aer he hwaet 
selle, thaet he hit eft forberan maege butan 
hreowe , thylaes he forleose tha lean 'Therefore 
one ought previously to consider, before he gives 
up anything, that he may afterwards forgo it 
without regret, lest he lose the reward.' 

Besides the possibility that attraction is operating between 
the subjunctive moods, the underlying structure of this 
complement clause construction is different from those con- 
structions noted above which govern the indicative mood in 
predominately indicative environments. The sculon and 
ge then can combination governs the indicative mood in clauses 
which describe the actual facts of a situation. 

109-1, sua hie sculon gethencean hu gelice hie beoth 

o thrum monnum on hira gecynde 'they ought to con- 
sider how similar they are to other men of their 
kind.' 

313-13, Ac we sculon gethencean, sua oft sua we ure hand 

doth to urum muthe for giefernesse ofergemet, thaet 
we geedniwiath and gemyndgeath thaere scylde 'But 
we ought to consider as often as we put our hand 
to our mouth for excessive greediness, that we 
renew and recall to mind the sin.' 

397-10, Forthaem hi sculon gethencean, gif hie to oftra- 
edlice and to ungemetlice hie gemengath on thaem 
haemede, thaet hie ne bioth no on ryhtum gesinscipe 









80 



'Therefore they ought to consider if too often and 

too excessively they associate in the marriage that 

they are not in lawful wedlock, if they hold that 
as a habit . ' 

The underlying structure for the sculon and gethencan con- 
struction which governs the subjunctive mood is not a state- 
ment about a situation but a question. Sweet freely trans- 
lates the sentence substituting whether for thaet : 'There- 
fore he must consider, before he gives away anything, 
whether he can afterwards forego it without regret.' The 
direct question, 'May he forego it later without regret?' 
has been subsumed in this indirect discourse construction. 
The scribe has substituted thaet for hu and the hw- words 
which usually introduce such object clauses. 

Gethencan occurs only three times in the imperative 
mood. The regular indicative mood is found in two of the 
three constructions. 

e 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Imperative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

It is significant that the original prose follows the 

rule established for gethencan . That the original prose 

such as Alfred's Preface should conform to the same pattern 

which recurs throughout the translations is further evidence 

that a fixed rule is determining the mood in the complement 

clause : 

Alfred's Preface, 5-5, Gethenc hwelc witu us tha becemon 

for thisse worulde. 

467-1, ac gethenc hwaet thu eart. 



81 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Imperative Environment. 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

329-12, gethenceath thonne hwelces wites ge wenen thaem the 
othre menn refiath 'consider then of what punish- 
ment you expect for those who rob other men.' 

The subjunctive mood here might be explained merely as a 
feature of clause construction which helps to set off the 
hwelces wites ge wenen clause from the rest of the sentence, 
A feature of subordination is necessary because the inter- 
rogative adjective hwelces is not such an obvious subordina- 
tor as is, for instance, hu in the similar sentence above: 

329-9, Be thaem we magon gethencean hu micles wites tha 
beeth weorthe the othre menn reafiath 'By that we 
ought to consider of how much punishment those be 
worthy who rob other men.' 

The need for a marked feature of subordination then in the 

imperative mood construction possibly explains the scribe's 

choice of the subjunctive mood. 



Laeran 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 3 12 

Orosius 2 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 

Total 3 14 



82 



The subjunctive mood is the predominant mood in com- 
plement clauses following laeran . The three rare instances 
of the indicative mood seem to be the result of attraction. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

203-15, iNe tharf mon na thone medwisan laeran thaet he tha 
lotwrencas forlaete. 

225-24, otherne he laerth thaet. he onginne sume scande bi 
thaem o thrum oththe sprecan oth(the) don. 

227-1, otherne he laerth thaet he [tha] scande forgielde. 

233-23, Eac sint to laeranne tha aefstigan thaette hie 
ongieten. 

271-10, Tha suithe suigean mon sceal laeran thaette hie 
. . . thaet hie ne sien to wyrsan gecirde. 

277-3, Ongean thaet sint to laeranne tha oferspraecean 
thaet hie wacorlice ongieten. 

36 7-2 3, thonne sculon we hie ealra thinga aerest and 

geornost laeran thaet hie ne wilnigen leasgielpes. 

409-24, and swatheah hi sint to laeranne thaet hi hi ne 
ahebben ofer tha othre. 

441-6, ne sint hi no to laerenne hwaet hi don scylen. 



Orosius 



82-2 8, Se hiene waes georne laerende thaet he ma hamweard 
fore . 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

291-20, and thone otherne laerde thaet he him anwald ontuge 

389-18, Tha he laerde hu we aegther lufian see olden. 



83 



425-36, AErest he laerde thaet . . . and siththan thaet 
hi wurden gefulwode. 



Orosius 



242-31, tha laerde he his sunu thaet he him ongean fore. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

131-3, Tha tha he laerde thaet thaere ciricean thegnas 
scoldo[n] stilnesse thaere thenunga habban 'Then 
when he directed that the servants of the Church 
ought to have quietness in the service.' 

131-4, tha laerde he hi eac hu hie hie geaemettian scoldon 
otherra weorca 'then directed he also them how they 
ought to free themselves of other works.' 

425-36, AErest he laerde thaet hi hreowsodon, and siththan 
thaet hi wurden gefullwode 'First he directed that 
they repent, and afterwards that they become bap- 
tized. ' 

There is no proof that the indeterminate form laerde is the 

subjunctive form; nevertheless, it is possible that the 



unmarked form of la eran influenced the mood in these excep- 
tional clauses. In the third sentence, 425-36, the indica- 
tive mood occurs in one thaet clause and the regular sub- 
junctive mood occurs in the other. This construction is. 
less surprising if one notes that the clause farthest from 
the indeterminate (indicative) form follows the rule illus- 
trated by the majority of other laeran constructions and 
that it is not influenced by attraction with the main verb 
as the first clause seems to be. 



84 



Ne Wit an 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 13 2 

Orosius 9 2 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle 1 



Total 23 4 

Like witan , the form ne wit an also governs the indica- 
tive mood in complement clauses; the rare occurrences of the 
subjunctive mood in the clause can be explained according 
to the principle of attraction between moods. It is not to 
be supposed that the predominant mood necessarily influences 
the mood of the complement clause; attraction between moods 
is an explanation only for the occurrence of the exceptional 
mood. The predominant mood Surrounding each instance of the 
regular indicative mood in a complement clause is noted, 
nevertheless, for comparison with the subjunctive mood cita- 
tions . 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

105-9, ac we nyton hwelc hira inngethonc bith beforan 
thaem thearlwisan. 

207-1, Tha scamleasa nyton thaet hie untela doth. 

241-12, thu nast hwaer him awther cymth. 






' 



85 



265-4, Thonne nat thaet mod thaet him bith freodom 
forgiegen. 

287-16, ac he nat on hwaet he gaeth. 

289-9, sua thaet he self nat huaet he on thaet irre doth. 

289-10, Tha irran nyton hwaet hie on him selfum habbath. 

293-24, hie nyton hwaet hie thonne gehierath. 

343-21, and nat hwaer he hiene forliesth. 

361-7, and hum thaer thaer hie nyton hwaether sio sibb 
betre betwux gefaestnod bith. 

411-26, thaette nyte thaette on gimma gecynde carbunculus 
bith dio[r]ra thonne iacinctus. 

429-26, tha the nyton hwonne hi untela doth. 

Orosius 

120-1, Ic nat, cwaeth Orosius, for hwi eow Romanum s indon 
tha aerran gewin swa wel gelicad . . . and f o r~~ hwy 
ge tha tida swelcra broca swa wel hergeath . 

124-13, Nat ic, cwaeth Orosius, hwaether mare wundor- waes. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

213-24, tha spraec he suelce he hit thagiet nyste thaet 
hie hit him tha io ondredon. 



Orosius 



The first two illustrations are very interesting, 

because they appear in Alfred's original prose, "Ohthere's 

Narrative . " 

17-13, Tha beag thaet land thaer eastryhte, oththe sec 
sae in on thaet lond, he nysse hwaether. Such 
inverted word order is rare among the Old English 
complement clause constructions. 



86 



17-32, ac he nyste hwaet thaes sothes waes. 

180-16, thaet nan mon nyste hwonan hit com. 

206-3, swa he nyste hu he him to com. 

252-21, swa nan mon nyste hwonan thaet fyr com. 

286-18, thaet nan mon nyste thaes faereltes hwaer he com. 

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 

54-An.787, and hie wolde drifan to thaes cyninges tune thy 
he nyste hwaet hie waeron. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

241-23, suelce se lareow haebbe an cliwen on his honda 

suithe nearwe and suithe smealice gefealden, and 
nyte hwaer se ende sie. 



Orosius 



78-15, thaet hie siththan nysten hu hie thonan comen. 

134-23, Nyte we nu hwaether $ie swithor to sundrianne. Of 
the disappearance of final -n Joseph Wright notes: 
"Final -n disappeared in verbal forms before the 
pronouns we , wit ; ge , git , as bide we , 'let us ? 
bind'; bind ge, 'bind ye'; bunde we? 'did we bind?'" 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

117-2, Eft he spraec suelce he nysse thaet he a furthor 
waere thonne othre brothor 'Again he speaks as if 
he knew not that he were greater than "the other 
brothers . ' 



2 Wright, p. 131 



87 



Suelce is usually known to govern the subjunctive mood. 
Henry Sweet notes that one of- "the chief cases" of the use 
of the subjunctive mood in "dependent sentences" is "to 
express hypothetical comparison (as if) : I_c swugode swelce 

i_c hit ne gesawe (I was silent, as if I had not seen it 

3 
. . •)•" It is possible that in this instance and in the 

only other instance of the subjunctive mood after ne wit an 
in Gregory's Pastoral Care (241-23), suelce did influence 
the scribe to use the exceptional mood. The subjunctive 
mood is apparently not the rule in the complement clause 
after a suelce + ne_ wit an construction because the indica- 
tive mood also occurs: 

213-24, tha spraec he suelc he hit thagiet nyste thaet hie 
hit him tha io ondredon 'then spoke he as if he 
did not yet know that they feared it for themselves 
formerly. ' 

Ondraedan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 10 

Orosius 1 4 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 1 14 



3 
Sweet, An Anglo-Saxo n Reader , pp. xcv-xcvi. 



88 



Ondraedan appears to require the subjunctive mood in 
the complement clause. Only once does the indicative mood 
occur after ondraedan . In this instance it is possible 
that attraction as well as unusual word order altered the 
scribe's choice of mood. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

49-19, Other ondred thaet he forlure sprecende tha 
gestrion. 

5 7-5, he ondraet thaet he ne mote to cuman. 

63-10, he maeg ondraedan thaet he for his aegnum scyldum 
mare ierre gewyrce . . 

73-20, ond eac hwelc se bith the him ondraedan sceal 
thaet he unmedome sie. 

91-8, thaet sindon tha tha the him ondraedath thaet hie 
menn for hira scyldum threagen. 

119-8, suelcne suelcne he ondraett thaet hi sie. 

143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie ondraedath 
thaet him derian maege aet thaem gielpe. 

339-20, swa hie magon ondraedan thaet him weorthen tha 
wyrttruman faercorfene. 



Orosius 



48-16, hie alle from him ondredon thaet hi hie mid gefeogten 

98-16, Ahteniense waeron tha him swithe ondraedende thaet 
Laecedemonie ofer hie ricsian mehten. 

144-16, forthon [hie] ondredon . . . thaet hie on him 
gewraecentha teonan. 



89 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Orosius 

138-5, and hi him thaet swithe ondraedan hu he with him 
eallum emdemes mehten. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

355-8, Eac sint to monigenne tha gesibsuman thaet hie 

him ne ondraeden thaet hie thas laenan sibbe ongean 
his selfe gedrefen. 

42 7-20, theah hi him nyllen thaet ondraedan thaet hi yfele 
sien. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Orosius 

52-3, He angan sierwan mid thaem folce the he ofer waes , 

hu he hiene beswican mehte , and aspon him from ealle 
tha the he ondred thaet him on £yl[s]te beon woldon 
'He began to plot with the people whom he was over, 
how he might deceive^him, and to withdraw him from 
all those who he feared would support him. ' 

The indicative form of ondraedan would support an explana- 
tion of attraction for this rare occurrence of the indica- 
tive mood in the complement clause; nevertheless, it. is .also 
possible that the unusual syntax of the ondraedan construc- 
tion subordinated in a relatix^e clause explains the excep- 
tional mood. There is no subject noun phrase in this 
complement clause ; instead, the same relative pronoun which 
is the object of ondraedan in the relative clause construc- 
tion is the understood subject of the complement clause: 



90 



the he ondred thaet him on fyl[s]te beon woldon 'who he 
feared would support him. ' Ondraedan occurs one other ti 



me 



in such a relative clause, but the unusual syntax does not 

affect the mood of the complement clause: 

Pastoral Care , 143-22, thaem hie gethafigath thyllic the hie 

ondraedath thaet him derian maege aet 
thaem gielpe 'they approve such for 
him who they fear may hinder. them in 
that glory. ' 

Since it is apparently not the rule, therefore, for such 
relative clause constructions to alter the mood of a com- 
plement clause, it is possible that, in one case, syntax of 
such an exceptional nature might have distracted the scribe 
from an established rule for mood in complement clauses 
following ondraedan . 

On g i e t an 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 61 15 

Orosius 8 1 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 69 16 

Ongietan occurs frequently in the texts as a verb 
introducing complement clauses. The indicative mood appears 
regularly in the complement clause. The word order of the 



91 



ongietan construction follows the pattern common to most of 
the regular constructions of indirect discourse: ongietan 
+ subordinator ( thaet , hu, and hw- words) + subject noun 
phrase + verb phrase. This order is rarely interrupted. 
The subjunctive mood occurs in the object clause when attrac 
tion operates from the subjunctive mood of the main verb to 
the verb in the object clause. There are, however, certain 
problems among these exceptional clauses which cannot be 
explained according to attraction. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

101-13, He ongeat thaet he oferstag hine selfne on thaere 
sceawunge thaere godcundnesse . 

109-14, Forthaem thonne tha lareowas ongitath thaet tha the 
him underthiedde beoth him to hwon God andraedath. 

161-17, gif he ne ongiett hu monega constunga thaes lvtegan 
feondes him on feallath. 

165-20, thonne se retha reccere ongiett thaet he his 

hieremonna mod suithur gedrefed haefth thonne he 
scolde . 

181-21, sua man ongiet thaet hie for thissum woruldwlencum 
bioth suithur upahafene. 

183-12, the he ongiet thaet thaes monnes onngethonc bith. 

183-16, sua he ongiet thaet he eathmodra bith. 

213-22, Tha he ongeat thaet hie waeron onstyrede mid thaem 
wen an. 

241-16, thonne mon maeg ongietan of hwam hit aeresth com. 

241-17, thonne _mon ongiet mid hwelcum staepum thaet nawht 
waes thurhtogen. 



/ 



92 



275-12, oth he ongiet thaet him bith nyttre to sprecanne. 

2 83-6, Se slawa ongit hwaet him ryht bith to donne . 

297-16, thonne hit ongiet thaet him mon birgth. 

311-20, ac forthythe he ongeat thaet sio ungethyld oft 
dereth. 

321-8, sua hie ongietath thaet him laenre and unagenre 
bith. 

321-9, forthaem hie magon ongietan thaet he beoth to 

hiera thenunga gesette Godes giefe to daelanne. 

343-12, Be thaem we magon ongietan mid hu micle irre 
Dryhten gethyldegath tha aelmessan. 

371-20, se the ongiet thaet hi tha word thaere lare from 
Gode onfeng. 

373-21, thonne he ongiet thaet tha Godes word mane gum menn 
liciath. 

377-22, nu is to ongietanne aet hu micelre scylde tha beoth 
befangne . 

381-2 3, tha he ongeat thaet God waes thaem folce ierre. 

395-18, se the ongiet thaette eal thas andweardan thing 
bioth gewitendlicu. 

431-13, forthaemthe hi ne magon ongietan mid hu ma(ne)gum 
untheawum hi beoth gewundode. 

441-13, AErest hi sculon ongietan thaet hi fleon that 
thaet hi lufiath. 

441-14, Thonne magon hi s ith iethilice ongietan thaet thaet 
is to lufianne thaet hi aer flugon. 

441-16, gif hi on thaem cuthan gewislice ongietath hwaet 
thaeron taelwyrthes bith. 

461-29, thonne hi ongietath thaet hi gemetlice and medomlice 
laerath. 

465-17, Ac siththan he ongeat thaet he waes athunden on 
upahaefennesse for his godan weorcum. 






465-21, ac ic ongeat swithe hrathe , siththan thu me 
foriete , hu^untrum ic waes. 

465-25, Ac he ongeat swithe hrathe, tha he gemette tha 

gedrefednesse , thaet hit naes on his agnum onwalde. 



Orosius 



104-10, Be thaem mon rnehte ongietan hwaet thaer ofslagen 
waes . 

162-27, thaet hi ne cuthan angitan thaet hit Codes wracu 
waes . 

206-15, Tha se consul ongeat thaet hie thaet faesten 
abrecan ne me h ton. 

222-1, Tha Scipia on get thaet hie swelces modes waeron. 

268-14, and ongeaton thaet hit waes Godes wracu. 

292-11, Rathe thaes the Gotan angeaton hu god Theodosius 
waes . 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

115-4, ond ongiete thaet he^bith [self] othrum monnum 
gelic. 

183-4, thaette tha sorgfullan ongietan thaet him becumath 
tha we Ian the him gehatene sint. 

183-6, and eac tha welegan ongietan thaette tha welan the 
hie onlociath and habbath, thaet hie tha habban , 
ne magon. 

201-19, thaet he ongiete thaet he is efntheow his theowe. 

233-23, thaette hie ongieten under hu micelre frecenesse 
hie liecgath , and hu hie iceath hira forwyrd. 

239-4, thaet hie ongieten hu hefig thaet twiefalde 
gesuinc bith. 

277-3, thaet hie wacorlice ongieten fram hu micelre 
ryhtwisnesse hie beoth gewietene. 






94 



311-20, gif he ne ongeate thaet him waes thaes wana. 

389-8, thonne thonne we betweox thaem ongieten hu earme 
we bioth thara ecena thinga. 

393-31, and thonne hie ongieten hu gewitendlic this 

anwearde bith thaet hie her doth, and hu thurh- 
wunienede thaet bith thaet hi wilniath. 

441-8, buton hi aer ongieten hu frecenlic thaet is thaet 
hi cunnon. 



The formulaic repetition of manian and the subjunctive 
form of ongietan merits a separate discussion, because the 
verb ongietan governs the indicative mood in all but one 
instance. While this is in accordance with the established 
pattern for ongietan , it is also possible that the indica- 
tive mood is fixed in the complement clause slot because it 
is part of the manian and ongietan formula. 

Thaet Clauses 

321-5, Eac sint to manienne tha the thonne mildheortlice 
sellath thaet hie thonne habbath, thaet hie thonne 
angieten thaet hie sint gesette thaem hefencundan 
Gode to theningmannum. 

339-6, Eac sint to manianne tha faesthhafula thaet hie 
ongieten thaet thaet sindon tha forman laeththo. 

389-2 7, Thy sint to manienne tha the on thisse worulde 

orsorglice libbath, thaet hie geornlice ongietan 
thaette sio orsorgnes thisses andweardan lifes 
hwilum b'ith to thaem gelaened. 

419-22, Tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan synna xvepath, 
and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet hi geornlice 
ongietan thaet hi on idelnesse tiliath. 

421-23, Ac tha sint to manienne the tha gedonan scylda 

hreowsiath, and hi theah ne forlaetath, thaet hi 
ongieten thaet hie beoth. 



95 



427-12, Tha sint to manienne, tha the aegther ge hit doth 
ge hit herigath, thaet hi ongieten thaet hi oft 
swithor gensyngiath mid thaem wordum. 

429-7, Ac hie sint to manienne thaet hi ongieten thaet 
hit bith se degla Codes dom. 

433-31, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the aer thenceath 
to syngianne, and ymbtheahtiath , aer hi hit thurh- 
tion, thaet hi ongiten mid forethonclicre gescead- 
wisnesse thaet hi onaelath thearlran dom with him. 

437-22, Ac hi sint to manienne, thonne hi oft syngiath 

lytlum, thaet hie geornlice ongieten thaet mon oft 
wyrs gesyngath on thaem lytum synnum. 

439-17, Ac hi sint to manienne thaet hie ongieten thaet 
hie oft gesyngiath giet wyrs. 

445-4, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the naebre 

nyllath fulfremman thaet god thaet hi onginnath, 
thaet hi ongieten mid waerlice ymbethonce thaette, 
. . . thaet hi thonne mid thy dilgiath. 



Hu , Hw - Clauses 
The exceptional occurrence of the subjunctive mood is 
in a clause introduced by one of the hu, hw - subordinators . 
It is clearly a clause of inquiry; the hu, hw- words intro- 
ducing clauses containing the indicative mood do not denote 
such uncertainty. The underlying forms of these clauses 
are not interrogative sentences, but exclamatory sentences: 

231-15, Ac tha aefstegan sint to manianne thaet hie ongieten 
hu blinde hi beoth 'But the envious are to be 
admonished that they perceive how blind they are.' 

257-19, Eac sint tha seccan to monianne thaet hie ongieten 
hu micel Codes giefu him bith thaes flaesces" 
gesuinc 'Also are the sick to be admonished that 
they perceive how great a gift of God the troubles 
of the flesh are . ' 

289-22, Tha grambaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongietan 
hwaet hie on him selfum habbath 'We ought to admon- 
ish the passionate that they perceive what they 
have in themselves.' 



96 



289-24, Tha monnthwaeran we sculon monian thaet hie ongietan 
hwaet hi nabbath 'The gentle we ought to admonish 
that they perceive what (zeal) they have not.' 

313-6, Ongean thaet sint to manianne tha ofergifran, theah 
hie [ne] -maegen thone untheaw forlaetan thaere 
gi femes se and thaere oferwisre, thaet he huru hine 
selfne ne thurhstinge mid thy sweorde unryhthaemedes , 
ac ongiete hu micel leohtmodnes and leasferthnes 
and oferspraec cymeth of thaere oferwiste 'On the 
contrary the gluttonous are to be admonished though 
they may not abstain from the vice of gluttony and 
greediness, that he at least not run himself 
through with the sword of fornication, but perceive 
how much frivolity and folly and loquacity come 
from greediness.' 

405-7, Forthaem sint to manienne tha the hiera synna 
onfunden habbath, thaette hie mid wa'core mode 
ongieten aefter hira misdaedum mid hu miclum godum 
willan Dryhten tobraet thone greadan his mild- 
heortnesse . 

375-22, hi sint to manigenne thaet hie be thaem laessan 

thingum ongieten hu suithe hie gesyngiath on thaem 
maran 'They are to be admonished that they in com- 
parison to lesser things preceive how much they 
sin in the greater.' 

While it is possible that attraction influenced the 
mood of the complement clause, the different underlying 
form for this clause ought to be considered also as a deter- 
mining factor. The hu which introduces the subordinate 
clause containing the exceptional subjunctive mood carries 
the force of an interrogative conjunction: 

429-2, Ongean thaet sint to manienne tha the hira synna 
onscuniath, and hi swatheah ne forlaetath, thaet 
hi forethonclice ongieten hu hi hi willen beladian 
on thaem miclan dome 'On the other hand are to be 
admonished those who detest their sins, and 
nevertheless do not give them up, that they cau- 
tiously consider how they will clear themselves 
at the great judgement.' 






' 



97 



The underlying form for this indirect discourse construc- 
tion is a direct question: 'How will they clear themselves 
at the great judgement?' It is possible, therefore, that 
this different underlying form influenced the scribe to 
neglect the formula in this one instance. 

Orosius 

62-32, ic xvolde thaet tha ongeaten, the tha tida ures 

cristendomes leahtriath, hwelc mildsung siththan 
waes , siththan se cristendom waes; and hu monig- 
feald wolbaernes thaere worulde aer thaem waes. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

119-10, gedo he the ah thaet his hieremenn ongieten thaet 
he sie eathmod on his [inn] gethonce , thaet hi 
maegen thaem o [njhyrigean. 

119-12, ond on his ealdorlicnesse hie ongieten thaet hie 
him maegen ondraedan. 

151-14, forthaem thaet hie ongieten thaet hie mon taele. 

159-7, thylaes he sie ongieten thaet hi sie onstyred and 
onaeled mid thaem andan his hieremonna untheawa. 

183-7, Ac thaem lareox^e is micel thearf thaet he ongiete 
hwa earm sie , hwa eadig, and hwone he laeran scyle 
sua earmne. 

185-10, Thonne mon thonne ongiete thaet he ryhte gedemed 
haebbe . 

379-18, Thaet is, se the ongiete thaet he sie gecieged 
med godcuncre stemne. 

417-33, forthaem thaet hi maegen ongean thaet be thaem 
ilcan gemete hreowsian the hi on hira [inn] 
gethonce ongieten thaet hie gesyngoden. 



98 



Orosius 



62-32, ie wolde thaet tha ongeaten . . . and eac thaet 

hie oncnewen:.. . 



Gregory's Pastoral Care 
Certain instances of the subjunctive mood in the com- 
plement clause do not occur after the subjunctive form of 
the main verb ongietan . The first of these problem sen- 
tences has ongietan in a subordinate clause introduced by 
gif. It is possible that the subjunctive mood in the com- 
plement clause can be explained by attraction of a differ- 
ent sort, because the subjunctive mood dominates the sub- 
sequent clauses. Such a context possibly influenced the 
scribe away from the regular mood. 

47-13, Ne bith thaet na seth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett 
thaet thaet Codes willa sie thaet he ofer othre 
been scyle, thaet he thonne withsace 'That is not 
true humility, if one perceives that that be God's 
will that he shall be over others, that he then 
refuse. 

There are only three other illustrations of gif with 

ongietan . In them the regular indicative mood occurs in 

the dependent clause, even though in one instance ongietan 

itself is in the subjunctive mood. This is not surprising 

because the attraction principle is useful only insofar as 

it explains the scribe's choice of the exceptional mood. 

161-16, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes thaet hefon- 
lice wundor, gif he ne ongiett hu monega constunga 
thaes lytegan feondes him on feallath 'And how in 
vain one perceives the heavenly wonder of God, if 
he does not perceive how many temptations of the 
crafty foe assail him. ' 



./ 



311-19, Ne cuaede he ne sua, gif he ne ongeate thaet him 
waes thaes wan a 'He would not have said so, if 
he did not perceive that in them was a deficiency 
of this. ' 

441-15, Micle thy bet hi underfeth thaet uncuthe, gif hi 
on thaem cuthan gewislice ongietath hwaet thaeron 
taelwyrthes bith 'Much the better they undertake 
the unknown, if they with certainty perceive 
exactly what is blameworthy in the known. ' 

Besides attraction between the subjunctive mood of the 

subsequent clauses and the mood of the dependent clause, it 

is possible that another structural fact also altered 

ongietan 's regular influence on the mood of the dependent 

clause in the sentence cited earlier. Indeed a certain 

feature distinguishes the problem gif sentence from the 

three other regular gif- ongietan constructions. In this 

problem sentence, ongietan is followed by two thaet clauses: 

one (thaet he thonne withsace ) is the deep structure subject 

of ne_ bith_ na soth eathmednes ; the other ( thaet he ofer 

othre beon scyle) is the deep structure subject of Codes 

willa sie . In both cases, the expletive or "filler" 

thaet 's have been left to mark the subject positions for 

these two predicates. They are underlined to distinguish 

them from the subordinator thaet' s: 

47-13, Ne bith thaet na soth eathmodnes, gif mon ongiett 
thaet thaet Godes willa sie thaet he ofer othre 
beon scyle, thaet he thonne withsace. 

The deep structure can be made clear when the subject 

clauses are placed before their predicates: 



100 



47-13, Thaet he thorme withsace ne bith na soth eathmodnes, 

gif mon ongiett thaet thaet he ofer othre beon 

scyle Codes willa sie 'That he then refuses it is 

not true humility, if one perceives that that he shall 
be ever others is God's will.' 

When the deep structure is reconstructed and compared with 
the sentence in the text, it is doubtful i^hether the thaet 
Godes willa sie clause alone is the object of ongietan or 
if perhaps, more correctly, both the thaet . . . sie clause 
and its subject the thaet . . . scyle clause constitute the 
object of ongietan . The complicated sequence of thaet 
subordinate clauses perhaps influenced the scribe to employ 
the subjunctive as a necessary feature of subordination. 
Attraction between the mood in the complement clause 
and the subjunctive mood of the verb in the clause immedi- 
ately following is also a possible explanation for the 
second problem construction: 

115-1, and the ah suithe ryhte stihtath thone anwald se 

the geornlice conn ongietan thaet he of him gadrige 
thaet him staelwierthe sie 'And yet very rightly 
he wields the power who well is able to perceive 
that he gather from it what is beneficial to him. ' 

Indeed, the subjunctive mood might easily be anticipated 

in the main verb of a the ah clause. Even though the main 

verb is in the indicative mood in the problem construction, 

the force of thea h perhaps influenced the scribe's choice 

of mood. Besides these explanations for the exceptional 

mood, it is also possible that the combination of the verbs 

cunnan and ongietan is exempt from the rule governing mood 

after the simple verb ongietan. Sweet translates this 



101 



cunn an - on g i e t an construction as ! to know how to.' The 

entire sentence then reads: 'And yet very rightly he 

wields the power who well knows how to gather from it what 

is beneficial to him.* This translation is different from 

his translation for the other ongietan constructions which 

he renders as 'see,' 'perceive,' and 'understand.' It can, 

therefore, be suggested that attraction between moods and 

the influence of the ah , as well as the addition of cunn an 

to the ongietan construction, can explain the exceptional 

subjunctive mood in this second problem sentence. 

Three other exceptional cases remain to be explained. 

These subjunctive forms occur in predominately indicative 

contexts : 

195-12, Sua eac oft gebyreth thaem the for othre menn beon 
sceal, thonne he Irwelc yfel ongiett, and thaet 
nyle aweg aceorfan, thaet thonne aet niehstan hit 
wyrth to gewunah thaet' he hit ne maeg gebetan, ne 
furthum ongietan thaet hie aenig yfel sie 'So also 
it happens to him who ought to be before other men, 
when he sees any evil, and will not cut that away, 
that then finally it becomes a habit that he may 
not give up, nor indeed perceive that it be any 
evil . ' 

271-19, Ac forthaemthe mon ne maeg utane on him ongietan 
for hiera suigean hwaet mon taele, hie beoth 
innane oft ahafene on ofermettum, swa thaet hie 
tha felasprecan forseoth and hie nauht doth 'But 
since one may not from without perceive in them 
what one blames because of their silence, they 
are internally often elevated in pride, so that 
they scorn the loquacious and count them as nought.' 

281-10, Thaet bith thonne openlice unnyt word, thaette 

gescedwise menn ne magon ongietan thaet hit belimpe 
to ryhtwislicre and to nytwyrthlicre thearfe auther 
oththe eft uferan dogore oththe thonne 'That is 
then an openly useless word, that wise men may not 
perceive that it belong to virtuous and to -useful 
necessity either at a future day or thereafter. ' 






The subjunctive mood in these sentences might be simply a 
mark of subordination which the scribe has employed in order 
to clarify the relationship among the consecutive subordinate 
clauses. The subjunctive serves such a purpose in certain 
Latin constructions. It is a sign of subordination with 
no special meaning in clauses of indirect question: Quis 
eum. occiderit quaero 'I ask who killed him.' Also in Latin 
constructions of indirect discourse, the verb of the depen- 
dent clause is an infinitive form, but all other subordinate 
clauses have a subjunctive verb: Pico eum stultum esse qui 
hoc faciat 'I say that he who is doing this, is foolish.' 4 
Indeed, throughout other such complex sentences containing 
complement clause constructions in Old English, the sub- 
junctive mood regularly occurs in one or more of the sub- 
ordinate clauses. In these three instances the introduc- 
tory verb of the complement clause is in a subordinate 
clause itself; therefore, the need for a formal signal of 
subordination seems a reasonable explanation for the occur- 
rence of the subjunctive mood after ongietan. 



4 
Bradley's Arnold Latin Prose Comuosition , pp. 107 and 
243. ' 



103 



Thencan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 1 10 

Orosius 1 2 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 2 12 

Thencan regularly takes the subjunctive in complement 
clauses, although the word order of the thencan construc- 
tion varies. The construction often follows the conven- 
tional pattern: thencan + subordinator ( thaet , hu, hw- 
words) + subject noun phrase + verb phrase; nevertheless, 
the texts show that items do interrupt this order without 
influencing the mood in the complement clause . A principle 
of attraction is perhaps operating betxveen the indicative 
moods in the two sentences which exceptionally employ the 
indicative rather than the subjunctive mood in the comple- 
ment clause. The verb of the subordinate clause has been 
drawn into agreement with the mood of the main clause. Of 
course the subjunctive, as the predominant mood, occurs 
regularly in the complement clause, whether the mood of the 
main verb is subjunctive or indicative. 



104 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

41-23, Thonne hie synderlice thenceath hu hie selfe scylen 
fullfremodeste weorthan. 

45-18, and nyllath thaes thencean hu hie maegen 
nyttweorthuste bion. 

55-19, he thencth on tham oferbraedelse his modes thaet 
he sciele monig god weorc thaeron wyrcan. 

145-8, and thenceath a hwaet hie don maegen. 

22 7-2 3, and thencth thaes timan hwonne he hit wyrs 
geleanian maege. 

239-12, ac sceal thonne niede thencean hu he hie gelicettan 
maege . 

273-4, nls na thaes. anes thearf to thenceanne hwelce hie 
hie selfe utane eowien mannum. 

275-17, Forthaem is gesceadwislice to thenceanne hwelcum 
tidum him gecopust sie to sprecanne. 

393-25, thonne thonne hie betwuh him thenceath hu hiera 
aegther othres willa don scvle. 



Orosius 



182-25, he thencth thaet he hit adwaesce 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Orosius 



92-22, hie thohtan thaet hie siththan hiora undertheowas 
waeren. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

5 7-12, Ac thence aelc mon aer hu nytwyrthe he si« 



105 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 



55-20, and he thencth mid inne wearde mode thaet he 
gierneth for gilpe and for upahafenesse thaes 
forgothes 'and he thinks in his inmost heart that 
he desires it out of pride and out of the arro- 
gance of this authority. ' 

294-22, tha thohton Eugonius and Arbogestes thaet hie 

sceoldon aerest of thaem muntum hie gebigan 'then 
. thought Eugenius and Arbogestes that they should 
first turn them from the hill.' 



We nan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 65 

Orosius 3 16 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle I No evidence available 



Total 3 81 

We nan occurs frequently as the governing verb of a 
complement clause construction. The subjunctive verb form 
follows wen an in all but three instances. These exceptions 
are apparently determined by their predominately indicative 
contexts. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

5-22, Hie ne wendon thaett[e] aefre menn sceolden swae 
re[c]celease weorthan. 






106 



69-22, gif he thonne self wenth thaet he sie wis. 

103-24 , hie wenath thaet hie mid besmitene sien. 

111-14, ac wenth thaet he haebbe hie oferthungne. 

143-24, Ac tha the hi wenath thaet [him] nan wuht lathes 
ne witherweardes don [ne] maege. 

145-21, hie wenath, thea[h] hira hieremenn hie mid ryhte 

here gen for hiera agnum gewyrhtum, thaet hie thaet 
don for lufan. 

149-8, and wenath menn thaet he hit do for kystum. 

149-11, thaet menn wenath thaet hit sie ryhtwislic anda. 

149-13, and theah wenath men thaet hit sie for arodscipe. 

149-15, and wenath menn thaet hit sie for suarmodnesse . 

179-10, menn wenath thaet hi yfel don. 

191-17, thonne hie wenath thaet hie hira selfra gewyrhtu 
sien claene. 

209-10, hie wenath thaet thaet sie thaet betste. 

209-10, ac tha unmodigan and tha ungedyrstigan wenath 
thaet thaet suithe forsewenlic sie. 

213-6, forthaemthe hie xvendon thaet hit near worulde 
endunge waere. 

231-23, hu micle ma wenstu thaet he sie innan. 

271-18, hie wenath thaet hie stilran and orsorgtran beon 
maegen. 

2 85-2, and thonne he wenth thaet he funden haebbe. 

289-11, thaette hie ful oft wenath thaette hiera hierre 
sie ryhtwislic anda. 

289-1.3, thonne hie wenath thaet hiera untheawas sien sum 
god craeft. 

289-17, thonne hie wenath thaet hie ryhtne andan haebben. 

289-19, Oft eac tha grambaeran wenath thaet hiera untheaw 
sie sumes ryhtwislices andan wielm. 



107 



291-4, the wenath thaet hie ryhtwislicne andan haebben. 

301-26, tha tha wenath thaet hie eathmode sien. 

339-16, and theah wenath thaet hie sien unscyldige. 

343-5, hie thonne wenath thaet hie Gode sellen. 

365-20, hie wenath thaet hie wisran sien selfe thonne 
othre. 

391-23, and wenth thaet his gehelpan ne maege. 

391-25, he wenth thaet he gehelpan ne maege. 

411-23, and hie wenath thaet hie beforan bion scylen. 

425-1, Wenstu, gif hwa othrum hwaet gieldan sceal, 
hwaether he hine mid thy gehealdan maege. 

439-9, hi wenath thaet hi utan stonden. 

439-12, Ac thonne hi wenath thaet hi of hira aegnum maegene 
hi haebben gehealden. 

457-11, he wenth thaet thone mon aer maege gebrengan. 

459-10, Hwa wenstu thaet sie to thaem getreow. 

463-20, thu wenst thaet thu wlitegost sie. 

Orosius 



76-14, thaet tha se gionga cyning swithor micle wenende 
waes thaet hie thonon fleonde waeren. 

120-7, swelce ge wenath thae(t) ge sien. 

134-27, tha hie untweogend(lice) wendon thaet heora hlaford 
waere on heora feonda gewealde. 

136-21, Hu wenath hie hu tham waere the on Alexandres onwalde 
w aer on. 

164-19, thaet hie wendon thaet hie mehten thaet yfel 'mid 
thaem .gestillan. 

188-11, thaette se consul waes wenende thaet eall thaet 
folc waere gind thaet lond tobraed. 



108 



218-4, the hie wendon thaet hie mid hiera deofolgildum 
gestiered haefden. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

3-16, and ic wene thaet [te] noht monige begiondan Humbre 
naeren. 

39-5, and theah he wende thaet hit nan syn naere. 

39-24, Se ilea se th[e] wende thaet he waere ofer ealle 
othere menn. 

113-15, tha xvende he thaet he eac mara waere. 

291-12, Ic wene thaet we maegen this openlicor gecythan. 

465-15, Ic wende on minum wlencum and on minum forwanan 
. . . thaet thaes naefre ne wurde nan ende. 

465-21, Ic wende thaet ic waere swithe strong. 

Orosius 

58-13, Ic wene, cwaeth Orosius, thaet nan wis mon ne sie. 

92-18, Ne wene ic, cwaeth Orosius, thaet aenig mon atellan 
maege . 

96-34, Ne wene ic, cwaeth Orosius, thaet aenige twegen 
latteowas emnar gefuhten. 

148-26, Tha wende man thaet thaet gewin geendad waere. 

150-23, Ne wene ic, cwaeth Orosius, thaet aenig waere. 

150-26, Tha wende man eft othere sithe thaet thaet gewinn 
Alexandres folgera geendad waere. 

188-6, and untweogendlice wende thaet. nan naere. 






/ 



109 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

179-9, the ah menn wenen thaet hie yfel don. 

185-11, and he wene thaet he ryht be othrum gedemed haebbe. 

203-9, thaet hie ne wenen thaet hie sien wiese. 

209-16, thonne hie wenen thaet hie haebben betst gedon. 

209-17, thonne hie wenen thaet hie thone gilp and thaet 
lof begieten haebben. 

215-1, thaet hie wenden thaet hie thaes the untaelwyrthran 
waeren. 

281-14, hwelc wite wene we thaet se felaspraecea scyle 
h abb an. 

299-7, the ah hie wenen thaet [hie] hiene haebben. 

305-18, thaer hie ne wenden thaet hie selfe beteran and 
wisran waeren. 

308-7, Wene ge nu thaet ic aenigre leohtmodnesse bruce , 
oththe thaette ic thence aefter woruldluste. 

308-8, wene ge thaet aegther sie mid me. 

315-9, ne eft ne wenen thaet hit anlipe full healic 
maegen sie. 

315-10, thylaes hie wenen thaet hit anlipe micellre 
geearnunge maegen sie. 

32 7-15, ne wene he no thaet Godes ryhtwisnes sie to ceape. 

329-13, Hwaet wene ge hwaet sio thurhtogene unryhtwisnes 
geearnige . 

35 3-10, Ac hu wene we hu micel scyld thaet sie. 

353-21, Ne wene ge no thaet ic to thaem come. 

401-2 3, thaet hie ne wenen thaet hie butan [thaem] demme 
stranges domes hi gemengan maegen. 

40 3-3, ne wene he thaet he sie. 



110 



411-21, thaet hie ne wenen for hira claennesse thaet hie 
sien. 

453-35, thaet hi ne wenen thaet hi genog don. 

Oro sius 

50-1, Hu wene ge hwelce sibbe tha weras haefden. 

58-25, hu micle swithor wenen we thaet he ofer tha maran 
sie. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Orosius 



10 4-4, for thon Romane waeron swa forhte and swa aemode , 
thaet hie ne wendon thaet hie tha burg bewerian 
mehton 'because the Romans were so frightened and 
so disheartened, that they did not think that they 
could guard the city. ' 

190-4, and wendon thaet hie on thaem daege sceoldon habban 
thone maestan sige 'and thought that they on that 
day should have the greatest victory. ' 

Attraction between the indicative verb forms in these sen- 
tences and the verbs of the complement clauses can best 
explain the exceptional moods. The verbs sculon and especi- 
ally magan occur so frequently as subjunctive forms in the 
illustrations of wenen constructions abo\-e, that they alone 
cannot explain the exceptional mood choice. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Orosius 



164-3, hu wene we, nu Romane him self thylllc writon and 
setton for heora agnum gielpe and heringe, and 
theah gemong thaere heringe" thyllica bismra on hie 
selle asaedon, hu wene we hu monegra maran bismra 



Ill 



hie forsugedon, aegther ge for hiora agenre lufan 
and londleoda, ge eac for hiera senatum ege 'How 
think we , now the Romans for themselves wrote and 
composed such things for their own glory and praise, 
and yet, amidst the praise, spoke of such re- 
proaches among themselves, how think we how many 
greater reproaches they concealed, either for love 
or themselves and (their) countrymen, or also for 
fear of their senate!' 

Although wen an occurs twice in this passage, the complement 

clause construction introduced by a subordinator follows 

only the second instance of wen an . The predominance of the 

indicative verb form in the passage can perhaps explain the 

indicative form in this complement clause. The indicative 

form occurs also in the the ah clause, which usually employs 

the subjunctive verb form. Attraction of a different sort, 

then, might explain the exceptional mood in this complement 

clause following a subjunctive form of wenan. 



Wit an 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 31 8 

Orosius 19 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 50 8 

The indicative mood regularly follows wit an in the 

complement clause. The items folio 1 .'/ the pattern illus- 
trated by other complement clause constructions: witan + 



112 



subordinator ( thaet > hu , hw - words) + subject noun phrase 

+ verb phrase. Any interrupting items do not influence the 

mood choice in the complement clause: 

Gregory's Pastoral Care, 63-11, Ealle we witon be monnum, 
se se the bitt thone monn thaet him thingie with 
otherne the he bith eac ierre, thaet irsigende mod 
he gegremeth 'We all know concerning men, he who 
bids a man that he intercede for him with another 
with whom he is also angry, that he irritates the 
angry mind. ' 

The subjunctive appears in the complement clause when attrac- 
tion acts" between the subjunctive mood of wit an and the 
verb of its object clause; a few instances of the excep- 
tional mood require special explanations. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

57-14, Thonne maeg he, witan be thy, gif ne hie[r]ran 

folgath habban sceal, hwaether he thonne don maeg 
thaet . 

63-11. Ealle we witon bi monnum . . . thaet irsigende mod 
he gegremeth. 

65-11, Se bith eallenga healt se the ivat hwider he gaan 
sceal . 

135-15, Eac is to witanne thaet he ne cuaeth. 

143-1, Hwaet we genoh georne witon thaet se esne the 

aerendath his woroldhlaforde wifes, thaet he bith 
diernes gelires scyldig with God. 

149-1, Thaette se reccere sceal geornlice wietan thaette 
oft tha untheaiAfas leogath. 

149-3, Eac sceal se reccere witan thaet tha untheaxvas 
beoth oft geliccette to godum theawum. 






113 



151-8, Eac is to wietanne thaette hwilum bith god waerlice 
to mithanne his hieremonna scylda. 

157-14, Eac is to wietanne thaet aeresth bith se wah 
thurhthyrelod. 

191-5, Eac sculun wietan tha ofer othre gesettan thaet 
thaet hie unaliefedes thurhteoth, and othre men 
bi tham bieseniath, sua manegra wieta hie beoth 
wyrthe. 

191-11, swa he gere witan maeg thaet he no ana ne forwierth. 

269-19, Eac is to witanne thaette oft thaem bith gestiered. 

273-21, Hwaet we wieton thaet sio diegle wund bith sarre 
thonne sio opene. 

293-14, Eac is to wietanne thaette hwaethwugu bith betweoh 
thaem irsiendan and thaem ungethyldgan. 

306-18, Eac is to wietanne thaette sume umtheawas cumath 
of othrum untheawum. 

306-19, Forthy [us] is to wietanne thaet we magon hie sua 
ithesth mid threaunga gebetan. 

343-21, se the viat hwaer he hiene leget. 

343-22,. Swa bith thaem the witan willath hwaet hie sellath. 

343-23, and nyllath wietan mid hwelcum woo hie hit 
gestriendon. 

377-1, Hwaet hie witon, gif hiera niehstan friend weorthath 
waedlan, and hie feoh habbath, and his thonne him 
oftioth, thaet hie beoth thonne fultemend to hiera 
waedle . 

385-30, We sculon wietan thaette oft bith on halgum 

gewrietum genemned mid feorwe to gioguthhade. 

411-16, Hwaet, we witon thaet we ma lufiath thone aecer. 

419-3, Be thaem he maeg witan thaet hi bioth hraedlice 
forgiefene . 



Oros ius 



42-1, Ic wat geare, cwaeth Oros ius, thaet ic his sceal 
her fela oferhebban. 






114 



58-21, Nu we wit an thaet ure Dryhten us gesceop. 

5 8-21, we witon eac thaet he ure reccend is. 

58-23, Nu we witon thaet ealle onwealdas from him sindon, 

5 8-23, we witon eac thaet ealle ricu sint from him. 

106-14, thaet hie be thaem wiston hwider hie sceoldon. 

106-17, and be thaem wiston thaet hie with sum folc frith 
ne haefdon. 

122-11, Hwaet , ge witon thaet ge giet todaege waeron 
Somnitum theowe. 

126-31, Genoh sweotollice us gedyde nu to witanne Alexander 
hwelce tha haethnan godas sindon to weorthianne. 

156-16, thaet hie wiston hu hie to thaem elpendon sceoldon. 

214-1, Ic wat, cwaeth Orosius, hwaet se Romana gelp 
swithost is. 

242-32, the ic wat thaet nan swa god (man) ne leofath swa 
he is on theosan life. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

355-21, forthaem he wisse thaet hit bith swithe uniethe 
aegther to donne . 



Orosius 



17-5, buton he wisse thaet he thaer bad westaneindes . The 
mood of this complement clause is especially note- 
worthy because this is Alfred's original prose, 
"Ohthere's Narrative." 

74-31, ac tha he wiste thaet hie him on nanura fultome beon 
ne maehte, and thaet seo burg abrocen waes. 

80-20, and wiste thaet hie woldon geornfulran beon thaere 
wrace thonne othere men. 






115 



188-14, swa he wiste thaet thaet other waes. 

288-16, for thon he wiste hu faestmod he waes aer on his 
geleafan. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

201-18, Thaem theowan is to cythonne thaet he wiete thaet 
he nis freoh with his hlaford. 

273-3, thaet hie geornlice tiligen to wietanne thaet him 
nis na thaes anes thearf to thence anne. 

291-18, -Laer thaet folc, and threata, and-tael, and hat, 
thaet hie wieten thaet ge sume anwald habbath 
ofer hie. 

315-20, Forthaem is to cythanne thaem faestendum thaet hie 
wieten thaet hie thonne Gode suithe licwyrthe 
forhaefdnesse briengath. 

345-7, Tha ungesibsuman sint to manigen[n]e thaet hie 

gewisslice wieten thaet hie na on to thaes manegum 
goodum craeftum ne beoth. 

395-21, and swatheah wite thaet he sceal bion adre£(r)ed. 

409-23, thaet hie witen thaet se maegthhad is hirra thonne 
se gesinscipe. 



Orosius 



58-13, buton he genoh geare wite thaette God thone aerestan 
monn ryhtne and godne gesceop. 

214-6, thonne wisten hie thaet hie waeron eallum folcum 
gemaene . 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

199-7, theah hie wieten thaet hie elles aeltaewe ne sin. 



116 



2 39-14, thonne anscuniagath hie thaet mon wite hwelce hie 
sien. 

323-14, thaet is thaet sio winestre hand ne scyle witan 
hwaet sio suithre do. 

385-12, oth thu wite thaet thin spraec haebbe aegther ge 
ord ge ende. 

Certain occurrences of the subjunctive mood in the 
complement clause do not follow a subjunctive form of witan; 
therefore, it can be suggested only that attraction oper- 
ates from the subjunctive form of verbs in other clauses 
to the verb in the complement clause. 

51-11, We witon thaet he naere eathmod, gif he undergenge 
thone ealdordom swelces unrimfolces buton ege ; and 
eft he waere ofermod, gif he [with] cw.aede thaet 
he naere underthidd his Scippende 'We know that he 
were not humble if he undertakes the rule of such 
a countless number without fear; and again he were 
presumptuous, if he said that he were not subject 
to his Maker. ' In this instance attraction seems 
quite possible between the moods of both clauses 
which make up the gif construction. Indeed the 
entire gif construction is the object of witan. 

2 73-24, Eac sculon we o tan tha the ma swugiath thonne hie 
thyrfen, thaette hie hierasorge ne geiecen mid 
thy thaet hie hiora tungan gehealden 'Also shall 
those know who are more silent than they need be, 
that they increase their sorrow when they hold 
their tongue . ' 

459-6, Thaem lareowe is to wietanne thaet he huru nanum 
men mare ne beode thonne he acuman maege, thylaes 
se rap his modes weorthe to swithe athened, oth 
he forberste 'The teacher is to know that he at 
all events not demand of any man more than he may 
bear, lest, the rope of his mind become too severely 
stretched out, until it breaks.' 

One problem construction occurs in a predominately indica- 
tive context, so that the possibility of attraction must be 
ruled out: 






117 



51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum menn 
to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie, he maeg thy 
orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga 'But because 
it is so difficult for any man to know when he is 
purified, he may, the more secure, shun the minis- 
tration. ' 

The demand for a formal signal of subordination perhaps 

influenced the scribe away from the regular mood in this 

case; thus, the subjunctive mood here simply acts as a mark 

of subordination in order to make clear the relationship 

among all these subordinate clauses. The governing verb 

wit an itself is contained within the larger subordinate 

clause introduced by forthaemthe , so the sie after to_ witanne 

is a useful signal for its subordination in the embedded 

complement clause construction. 



Group C 

Indicative Subjunctive 

Mood in the Mood in the 

Complement Complement 

Clause Clause 



Probability Values 
Calculated 
According to the 
Binomial Method 



Aetiewan 


2 


Cythan 


14 


Gecwethan 


6 


Gemunan 


4 


Gesecgan 


8 


Geseon 


11 


Getacnian 


3 


Oncnawan 


4 


Secgan 


17 


Tacnian 


5 



6 
7 

14 
1 
4 
4 
3 
1 

27 
4 



p 


< 


.10 


p 


< 


.12 


p 


< 


.07 


p 


< 


.31 


p 


< 


.19 


p 


< 


.10 


p 


< 


.99 


p 


< 


.31 


p 


< 


.16 


p 


< 


.48 



118 



Group C holds those verbs which are represented in at 
least five complement clause constructions, but which do 
not show such a decided preference for one mood as did 
the verbs of groups A and B. Were there no rule so that 
the subjunctive and indicative moods might be expected to 
occur half of the time each, there is a high probability 
(which varies, however, among the verbs of the group) that 
these constructions would read exactly as they do. The 
behavior, then, of the verbs in Group C does not present a 
discouraging picture for the proponents of the argument - 
that choice between the moods is meaningful. The probability 
values range from less than seven chances in 100 that 
ge ewe tha n would be followed by the subjunctive mood fourteen 
out of twenty times to less than five chances in ten for 
the tacnian and getacnian constructions. 

Although the probability values favor the no -rule hypoth- 
esis, there is evidence that certain formal rules can ex- 
plain the occurrence of the less frequent mood in every in- 
stance . 

Aetiewan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the"" Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 2 6 

Although the texts do not offer many illustrations of 
aetiewan as the main verb of complement clause constructions, 






119 



the available evidence suggests that the subjunctive mood 
is the established mood in the complement clause. The indica- 
tive mood occurs, nevertheless, in two special cases. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

77-13, simle he sceal aetiewan on his lifes gestaeth- 

thignesse hu micle gesceadwisnesse he bere on his 
breostum. 

161-22, aetiewath hu manega him on thys andweardum life 
frecenlice witherwearde . 

241-21, thonne he mid wtmderlicre ladunga aetiewth thaet 
he furthum naefre thaet yfel ne ongunne. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

123-24, thaet he aetiewe his hieremonnum thaet he sie hiera 
f aeder . 

161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe 
gesiehth. 

179-11, buton we eac feawum wordum aetiewen hwaet hie 
healden. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pas toral Care 

161-22, aetiewath hu manega him on thys andweardum life 

frecenlice witherwearde untheawas him wi thfeohtath ; 
and hu aeghwelc syn bith saetigende thaes thiondah 
monnes 'they show how much dangerously opposes it 
in this present life and the vices fight against 
it, and how each sin is lying in wait for the 
flourishing man. ' 



120 



This study is concerned only with each verb introduced by 
a subordinator , thaet , hu , hw - words; therefore the verb 
withf eohtath is not counted as evidence. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment . 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

161-15, and him aetiewen hwelc sie thaere uplican sibbe 
gesiehth, and hu on idelnesse man ongiett Godes 
thaet hefonlice wundor, gif he ne ongiett hu 
monega costunga thaes lytegan feondes him on 
feallath 'and shows them what be the sight of 
exalted peace and how in vain a man perceives that 
heavenly wonder of God, if he does not perceive 
how many temptations of the crafty foe fall on him. ' 

Preceded by a predominately subjunctive context, the indica- 
tive mood of the hu clauses is difficult to explain. While 
not an explanation for all governing verbs of indirect dis- 
course, it would seem that both these object clauses (161- 
15 and 161-22) are too far removed from the main verb to be 
influenced by it; thus the verb of each object clause closer 
to the main verb is in the normal subjunctive mood. 



Cythan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 13 7 

Orosius No evidence available 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle 1 

Total 14 7 



121 



The indicative mood appears to be the regular mood 
after cythan in the complement clause; however, the sub- 
junctive mood occurs frequently throughout the cythan evi- 
dence. The principle of attraction best explains the mood 
variation in the complement clause. The proof for the 
attraction theory is gathered from the verbs other than the 
main verb of each sentence when the main verb is a gerund 
construction: is + to cythanne . 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

163-2, ac he him sceal eac cythan mid hwelcum craeftum he 
him withstondan maeg. 

173-14. nu we him willath cythan hu he laeran sceal. 

201-15, Tham hlafordum is eac to cythanne thaette hie with 
Code ofermodgiath for his agenre giefe. 

281-23, Tham slawum thonne is to cythanne thaette oft . . . 
thaette hwilum eft cymth sio tid. 

2 87-3, ongean thaet is to cythanne thaem the beoth to 
hrade . . . thaet hie forpaerath thaem edliane. 

299-4, Thaem eathmodum is to cythanne hu micel sio heanes 
is . 

299-5, Thaem upahaefenum . is to cythanne hwelc nawuht thes 
woruldgielp is. 

301-14, Thaem eathmodum is to cythanne thaette . . . thaette 
hie thonne astigath. 

305-15, Thaem unbealdum is to cythanne hu giemelease hie 
bioth. 

441-11, Forthy him is aerest to cythanne hu idel thaet is. 






122 



Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 



48-An.755, and him cythdon thaet hiera maegas him mid waeron 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

3-2, and cythan hate thaet me com swithe oft on gemynd. 
This is a particularly interesting illustration 
because it occurs in Alfred's original prose, his 
Preface to the Pastoral Care . 

103-2, and cythde hwaet hie wyrcean and healdan scoldon. 

409-19, Mid thaem worde he cyththe thaet hit is se hiehsta 
craef t . 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

213-18, and thaeron cythe thaet se domes daeg neah sie. 

Only once does such a clearly subjunctive form of ■ 
cythan introduce a complement clause. 

253-8, Eac is to cythanne thaem mettrumum, gif hie willen 
geliefan thaette Godes rice hiera sie, thaet hie 
thonne her on worulde tholigen earfethu thaem 
timum the hie thyrfen. 

263-9, Thaet is to cythanne the him swingellan ondraedath 
thaet hie thissa eorthlicean goda to suithe ne 
gietsien, theah hie geseon thaet tha yfelan hie 
haebben ongemong him. 

305-13, Thaem anfealdan straecum is to cythanne thaet hie 
bet [netjruwien him selfum thonne h[i]e thyrfen. 

305-18, Ac thaem anstraecum is to cythanne, thaer hie ne 
wenden thaet hie selfe beteran and wisran waeren 
thonne othre menn, thaet hie ne laeten hiera 
getheaht and hiera wenan sua feor beforan ealra 
otherra monna wenan. 






123 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

129-21, Thaes daeges tocyme hwelc he beo he cythde, tha 
he cuaeth: He cymth sua sua grin ofer ealle tha 
the eardiath ofer eorthan 'The arrival of this 
day, whatever it is, he showed when he said: It 
comes just as a snare over all those who dwell on 
the earth. ' 

The indeterminate form as well as the predominance of the 
indicative mood makes the attraction theory less satis- 
factory. The inverted word order of the clause perhaps 
better explains the occurrence of the exceptional mood. 
The normal word order for complement clauses places the main 
verb before the clause: cythan + subordinator + subject 
noun phrase + verb phrase. Yet the order of this clause 
differs from the common pattern: subordinator + subject 
noun phrase + verb phrase + cythan . 

409-19, forthaem he cwaeth thaet hine ealle ne gefengen, 

and eac saede thaet k he uniethe waere to gehealdenne, 
and eac cythde hu waerlice hi hine healdan scolden, 
thonne hie hine underfangen haefden 'because he 
said that all did not receive it. and also said 
that it was difficult to keep, and also showed how 
carefully they should hold it, when they have re- 
ceived it . ' 

In spite of the indeterminate form of cythan, the predomi- 
nance of the subjunctive mood in surrounding clauses ex- 
plains the exceptional mood in the complement clause follow- 
ing cythan. 






124 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 
The subjunctive mood occurs in thaet clauses immedi- 
ately following cythan in completely indicative contexts: 

201-18, Thaem theowan is to cythonne thaet he wiete thaet 
he nis freoh with his hlaford 'The servant is to 
be told that he know that he is not independent 
of his master. ' 

201-19, Thaem halforde is to cythanne thaet he ongiete 
thaet he is efntheow his theowe 'To the lord is 
to be told that he perceives that he is the 
fellow servant of his servant.' 

315-20, Forthaem is to cythanne thaem faestendum thaet hie 
wieten thaet hie thonne Gode suithe licwyrthe 
forhaefdnesse briengath, thonne hie thearfendum 
monnum sellath hiera ondliefene thone dael the hi 
him selfum oftioth 'Therefore it is to be told to 
the abstinent that they know that they then bring 
to God a very worthy abstinence when they give to 
the needy men the portion of their substance which 
they deprive themselves of. ' 

349-5, Thaem ungesibsuman is to cythanne thaet hie wieten 
thaette swa lange sua hie beoth from thaere lufe 
athied hiera niehstena, and him ungemode beoth, 
thaette hie nanwuht godes ne magon tha hwile Gode 
bringan to thances 'To the quarrelsome is to be 
told that they know that as long as thev are 
separated from the love of their neighbor, and are 
at variance with them that they may not then mean- 
while bring anything of good, pleasing to God.' 

All these th aet clauses can be deleted without changing the 

meaning of their sentences; therefore, it is possible that 

this recurring pattern, thaet + pronoun + ( Wlt ? n 

ongietan 



is merely part of a gerund formula common to the manian 
constructions: Gregory's Pastoral Care, 429-7, Ac hie sint 
££ ^anienne thaet hi ongieten thaet hit b ith se_ degla Godes 
dom 'But they are to be admonished that they perceive that 



125 



it is the secret judgement of God.' The subjunctive mood 
in the thaet clause can be explained as the conventional 
verb form in this formula. In all these exceptional in- 
stances, therefore, the formulaic convention perhaps re- 
placed the convention established for the verb form in the 
complement clauses introduced by cythan. 

Gecwethan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the" Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 5 10 

Orosius 1 4 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 



14 



The subjunctive mood appears to be the regular mood 
after gecwethan in complement clause constructions. The 
verb frequently occurs in a past participle construction: 
beon + gecweden . Neither ge cwethan nor its auxiliaries 
ever appear in the subjunctive mood; it is, therefore, not 
so interesting to suggest that the six exceptional instances 
of the indicative mood in the complement clause are caused 
by the immediate indicative environment. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 



15 7-10, Forthy waes suithe wel gecueden thaet hie waere 
atiefred. 



126 



235-21, Forthy is wel ge cue den thaette thaet flaesclice 
lif sie thaere heortan haelo. 

235-24, Ac thaet is suithe ryhte gecueden be thaem barium 
thaet hie forrotigen. 

243-19, Thonne is eac gecueden thaette God spraece to 
thaem bilwitum. 

251-8, Thonne is aefter thaem gecueden thaet he sargige 
aet niehstan. 

279-11, Be thaem waes suithe wel gecweden thurh thone wis an 
Salomon, thaette se se thaet waeter utforlete waere 
fruma thaere towesnesse. 

285-11, Hit is suithe wel be thaem gecweden thaet he eft 
bedecige on sumera. 

389-16, Eft waes gecueden thurh Salomon thone snottran 
thaette on his swithran handa waere lang lif. 

439-23, Be thaem waes gecweden on thaem godspelle to 
Fariseum thaet hi withbleowen thaere fleogan. 

465-33, Forthaem eac waes gecweden to Ezechiele thaem 
witgan thaet he waere monnes sunu. 



Orosius 



108-8, thaet waes thaet (hie) haefdon gecweden thaet hie 
ealle emlice on Latine tengden. 

2 30-20, tha gecwaedon hie thaet hie sume hie beaeftan 
we re den . 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Orosius 



66-19, tha gecwaedan hie thaet him leofre waere 



127 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Orosius 

156-29, Tha ascedan hiene hie thegnas hwy he swa heanlice 
word be him self urn gecwaede, thaet he oferwunnwn 
waere . 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

As I noted above, the prevalence of the indicative 
mood throughout the entire stock of ge ewe than constructions 
weakens an explanation of the occurrence of the indicative 
mood in the complement clause according to the attraction 
theory. However, four of these exceptional indicative 
clauses contain a sculon + infinitive construction distin- 
guishing them from the subjunctive mood clauses and pos- 
sibly determining the scribe's choice of the exceptional 
mood. 

Gregory's P astoral Care 

95-1, Be thaem waes gecueden mid thaere godcundan stefne 
thaet on thaes saceries hraegle scoldon hangigan 
b e 1 1 an . 

109-10, Forthaem hit naes na gecueden thaet hie ■ [ne] 
scoldo n othre rnenn ondraedan. 

139-11, Be thaem .suithe wel waes gecueden to Ezechiele tham 
witgan thaette tha sacerdas ne scoldon no hiera 
heafdu scieran mid scierseaxum. 

171-17, Be tham saglum is suithe gesceadlice gecueden thaet 
hie sculon simie stician on tham hringum. 

Attraction among the indicative moods appears to be 

the best explanation for one of the exceptions in the 

Pastoral Care: 



128 



253-1.1, Be thys ilcan is gecueden on kyninga bocum, sua 

sua hit geworden waes, and eac'us to besine. Hit 
is gecueden thaette tha stanas on thaem maeran 
temple Salomonnes waeron sua we[l] gefegede 'About 
this same is spoken in the books of Kings, as it 
happened, and also as an example for us. 'it is 
said that the stones on the famous temple of 
Solomon were so well fitted. ' 



Orosius 



56-24, Gecwaedon tha thaet tha the aer aet thaem athum 
naeren, thaet tha nam gelendon, and bi eallum 
heora wifum bearna striendon 'They said, then that 
those who previously were not at the oaths, that 
those went home, and by all their wives begot sons.' 

The main verb is in the indicative mood, so the attraction 
theory might explain the exceptional indicative mood; 
however, the subjunctive mood itself occurs in the relative 
clause immediately preceding the thaet clause. It is dif- 
ficult, therefore, to explain why the regular subjunctive 
mood does not occur in the object clause after ge ewe th an. 

It appears that in this case the scribe reserved the sub- 

* 

junctive mood as the marker of subordination only for the 

subordinate clause within the complement clause construc- 
tion: the aer aet thaem athum naeren. 



Gemunan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 4 i 



Gemunan is particularly interesting in spite of the 
limited evidence because of its frequency throughout 



129 



Alfred's original prose, his Preface to the Pastoral Care. 
Although the amount of complement clause constructions to 
be taken from the original prose is necessarily small, the 
rules for mood in the complement clause operate with the 
same consistency as that observed in the translations. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

333-22, thonne hie gemunath thaet hie thaet ilce doth, 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care 



5-8, Tha ic tha this eall gemunde tha gemunde ic eac 
hu ic geseah. 

5-25, Tha gemunde ic hu sio ae waes aerest on Ebr[e]isc 
gethiode funden. 

7-15, Tha ic tha gemunde hu sio lar Laedengethiodes aer 
thissum afeallen wae.<§, giond Angelcynn. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

413-11, God us drencte swithe gemetlice mid tearum, swa 
thaette aeghwelces mannes mod s\\ r a micle of tor 
waere gethwaened mid hreow sunge tearum swa swa 
he gemunde thaet hit oft or waere adrugod from Gode 
on his synnum 'God gave us to drink very moder- 
ately with tears, so that the heart of every man 
was so much more often moistened with the tears 
of repentance as more often he remembered that it 
was dried by God with his sins.' 

The indeterminate form of the main verb weakens the argu- 
ment for attraction; nevertheless, as the only other , 



130 



determinate form in the sentence is a subjunctive form, it 
is possible that the unmarked forms as well as the clearly 
subjunctive form influenced the scribe's choice of the 
exceptional mood in this complement clause. 

Gesecgan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the" Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 2 2 

Orosius 6 2 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



o 



Total 



Gesecgan ! s influence on the mood of the verb in the 
complement clause is difficult to describe; both moods 

ccur in the clause. Of the only twelve samples available, 
the indicative mood occurs eight times and the subjunctive 
four times;, therefore, the subjunctive mood is perhaps the ■ 
exceptional mood. Any explanation for this exceptional 
ood can be only suggested considering the limited amount 
f evidence. There are two features which distinguish 
these subjunctive mood clauses from the indicative ones: 
negative items occur in three of the four subjunctive 
clauses; the fourth exception occurs In an interrogative 
construction. Neither the word order nor attraction 



m 



o 






131 



between moods influences the mood variation in the comple- 
ment clause. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

109-4, Hwaet hie is gesaed thaet ure ialdan faederas waeron 
ceapes hierdas. 

163-7, and him eac gesaegth hu'thaem monnum the him maegem 
and craft wiexth. 

Orosius 



52-8, Hit is uniethe to gesecgenne hu monege gewin 
siththan waeron betuh Maethum. 

58-7, Nu is hit scortlice ymbe thaet gesaegd thaette aer 
gewearth. 

110-13. Ic sceal hwaethre eft gewendan thaet ic hwelcnehugu 
dael gesecge Alexandres daeda; and hu . . . he feng 
to Maecedonia rice on Crecum. 

240-16, Thaet is ungeliefedlic to gesecganne, cwaeth 
Orosius, hwaet thaes ealles waes. 

250-26, Nu ic haebbe gesaed, § cwaeth Orosius, from frymthe 
thisses middangeardes hu eall moncyn angeald. 

250-28, nu ic wille eac forth gesecgan hwelc mildsung, 
and hwelc gethwaernes siththan waes. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

337-6, the on thaem godspelle gesaed is thaette na [n]ne 
waesthm ne baere. 

339-1, nis hit np_ gesaed thaet he for thy geraeled waere. 

Orosius 

156-20, Hit n aes na gesaed hwaet Pirruses forces gefeallen 
waere . 



132 



192-27, Hu magon nu Romane , cwaeth Orosius, to sothe 

gesecge[a]n thaet hie tha haefden beteran tida 
thonne hie nu haebben, tha hie swa monega gewin 
hadfdon emdenes underfongen? 



Geseon 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 10 4 

Orosius 1 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 11 4 

The indicative mood appears to be the established 
mood following geseon in complement clause constructions 
Attraction between the mood of the main clause and the 
subordinate clause best explains the occurrences of the 
exceptional subjunctive mood. Yet one exception occurs 
after an indicative form of greseon. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

5-8, hu ic geseah . . . hu tha ciricean giond eall 

Angelcynn stodon mathma and boca gefyldae. Such 
illustrations from Alfred's original prose are 
noteworthy as they demonstrate that rules for the 
mood in the complement clause are so fixed that 
they are practiced in original works as well as 
in translations . 

111-17, sua he gesihth that he mare maeg doon thonne othre 
menn . 






t 



133 



143-8, thoime he gesihth thaet his hieremen agyltath. 

157-18, ac thu ne meaht geseon hwaet thaerinne bith 
gehyddes . 

231-22, Thonne thu gesiehsth thaet he bith utan gedrefed. 

377-18, and thonne gesihth thaet his hwam thearf bith. 

409-14-, the hi gesioth thaet hie habbath. 

415-11, thonne he gesihth thaet hit unrot bith. 

415-26, and thonne eft gesihth thaet hit thaes hreowsath. 

Orosius 



118-4, Tha his here geseah thaet he mid thy horse afeoll 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

447-32. and gesion thaette this mennisce lof swithe hraed- 
lice gewit. 



Indeterminate Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's P astoral Care 

361-25, tha he geseah thaet folc Phariseo and Saducia 
anmodlice his ehtan. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pas toral Care 

26 3-11, theah hie geseon thaet tha yfelan hie haebben 
ongemong him. 

365-14, thaet we maegen geseon hwaet we don scylen. 

461-6, Ac siththan he gesion thaette tha thiestra[n] mod 
thaera dysegena monna auht nealaecen thaem leohte 
thaere sothf aestnesse . 



134 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

433-14, Forthaemthe nan mon ne maeg on niht gesion hu 

neah him hwelc frecenes sie, him is thearf thaet 
he haetbe his sweord be his hype 'Since no one 
may not at night see how near to him be any 
danger, for him is need that he have his sword 
by his hip. ' 

The subjunctive mood in such a case appears to be simply 

a marker of subordination demanded by the accumulation of 

several clauses. It is thus employed to make clear the 

relationship of the complement clause to its main verb 

which is also within a subordinate clause. This structure 

is similar to an exceptional witan construction: 



51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa earfothe is aenegum menn 
to witanne hwonne he geclaensod sie, he maeg thy 
orsorglicor forbugan tha thegnunga 'But because 
it is so 'difficult for any man to know when he 
is purified, he may, the more secure, shun the 
ministration. ' 



This rare occurrence of the subjunctive mood after wit 



an 



in a predominantly indicative context can be explained 
also when the subjunctive mood is understood as a formal 
signal of subordination; therefore, as a feature of clause 
construction the subjunctive mood replaces the mood as- 
signed to these geseon and wita n complement clause con- 
structions . 

Adjective: Gesiene 
The adjective construction wesan + gesiene is followed 
by the indicative mood in its one occurrence: 



135 



Orosius, 252-29 , Hit waes eac sweotole gesiene thaet hit 

waes Godes stihtung ymb thara rica 
anwaldas 'It was also clearly seen that 
it was the providence of God' before (as) 
the authority of the kingdoms.' 



Getacnian 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 3 7 



Getacnian introduces a complement clause with a deter- 
minate mood form in the Pastoral Care only. Half of the 
constructions employ the indicative mood; and half, the 
subjunctive mood. There is no proof, then, that a syntactic 
rule has predetermined what mood ought to follow getacnian. 
It can be suggested, however, that perhaps the subjunctive 
mood is determined by its context rather than by the influ- 
ence of getacnian. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

257-1, hit getacnath thaem mode for thaere suingan hwaet 
Godes willa bith. 

459-29, Thaet getacnath thaette aeghwelc thaera halgena 
lareowa the nu laerath on thaere thisternesse 
thisses middangeardes habbath onlicnesse thaem 
kokkum. 



/ 



136 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

397-35, he getacnode thaet we sculon fleon thone unlifedan 
bryne ures lichoman. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

119-9, Ond the ah hit on sumum thingum getacnad sie thaet 
he hwelc gerisenlic wundor wyrcean maege. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

451-9, On thaem twaem wordum he us getacnode for hwelcum 
thingum we s ceolden ure godan weorc helan, and for 
hwelcum we hi sceolden. cythan. 

The very limited evidence as well as the indeterminate 
form of getacnian makes an explanation even more difficult; 
therefore, I merely suggest jhat since the one other in- 
stance of the subjunctive mood occurs after the subjunctive 
form getacnode sie , getacnode here is perhaps the subjunc- 
tive form also influencing the mood in both complement 
clauses . 






137 



On en aw an 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the" Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 4 

Orosius 1 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 



The small number of illustrations limits the descrip- 
tion of on en aw an . The indicative mood is the predominant 
mood after oncnawan in complement clause constructions. 
The only exceptional instance of the subjunctive mood occurs 
after the subjunctive form of oncnawan ; therefore, it seems 
likely that attraction between moods Influenced the verb of 
the complement clause. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

181-16, Be thaem we magon suithe swutule oncnawan thaet 
se eathmodnesse lareow . . . na ne cuaeth. 

181-18, and eac we magon oncnawan thaet, thaet tha earman 
and tha untruman sient to retanne. 

405-18, Of thissum wordum we magon oncnawan . . . thaet 
we thonne eft mid micle dysige syngiath. 



138 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

265-22, thaet hie.be tham oncnawaen ... to hwaem hiera 
agen wise wirth. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Orosius 



62-35, and eac thaet hie oncnewen hu gelimpice ure God 
on thaem aerran tidum tha anwaldas and tha ricu 
sette. 



Secgan 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 8 10 

Orosius 9 16 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle 1 



Total 17 27 

Both the indicative and the subjunctive moods follow 
secga n in the complement clause construction. Although the 
statistics for the occurrence of the subjunctive mood in 
the complement clause are not especially Impressive, the 
subjunctive mood appears to be the established mood. The 
exceptional indicative mood can be explained according to 
the operation of attraction. Although the indicative mood 



139 



occurs in an indeterminate context as well as in a clearly 
indicative environment, it never occurs in a clearly sub- 
junctive context; thus it seems likely that attraction be- 
tween moods influenced the scribe's choice of the indica- 
tive mood. 

The order of items in the construction regularly 
follows this pattern: secgan + subordinator + subject 
pronoun + verb + object. In the subjunctive clauses the 
order of the items seldom varies from the pattern; however, 
it is interesting that the normal order is often upset in 
those clauses which contain the exceptional indicative mood 
In these clauses the verb is the last item of the string. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

111-11, suelce he gehierth thaet his olicceras secgath 
thaet he sie. t 

231-10, Thaem welwillendum is to secganne, thonne hie 

gesioth hiera geferena god weorc, thaet hie eac 
thencen to him selfum. 

239-3, mon sceal monian tha lytegan, and him secgan thaet 
hie ongieten hu hefig thaet twiefalde gesuinc bith. 

261-3, Him is to secgeanne thaet hie unablinnendlice 
gethencen. 

393-2, swa swa [we] aer herbiufan saedon on thisse ilcan 
bee bi David thaem Godes dirlinge thaet he waere 
ryhtwisra. 

Orosius 



34-16, se scop waes secgende thaet Egypti adrifen Moyses 
ut . 



140 



36-20, and hy saedon thaet he waere ealles gewinnes 
waldend. 

40-9, ac saedon thaet hio waere for Fetontis forscapunge 

44-8, and him untweogendlice secgan het thaet hie other 
sceolden, oththe thaet lond aet him alesan. 

44-20, and him saedon thaet hie other dyden. 

46-33, the mon saegth thaet on an scith maege an thusend 
manna. 

296-18, thaet ge saedon thaet . . . and eac thaet eow 
selfum waere betere. 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

279-14, Ac se wisa Salomon saede thaette suithe deop pol 
waere gewered. 

409-20, and eac saede thaet he uniethe waere to gehealdenne 

Orosius 

The first four illustrations are noteworthy because 

they are in Alfred's original prose, the narratives of 

Ohthere and Wulfstan. 

17-3, He saede theah (thaet) thaet land sie swithe lang 
north thonan. 

18-24, He saede thaet Northmanna land waere swythe lang 
and swythe smael. 

19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gef ore of Haethem, thaet 
he waere on Truso on syfan da gum , and nihtum. 

34-13, and saede Moyses waere thaes losepes sunu. 

232-5, aer him mon saede thaet hie wolden faran on 
Italiam, Romana lond. 

264-2, he saegde thaet he forlure thone daeg the he noht 
on to gode ne gedyde. 



141 



Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 

8-An.81, Her Titus feng to rice se the saede thaet he thone 
daeg forlure the he noht to gode on ne gedyde. 
This is very close to the rendering of the same 
event in Orosius (264-2). 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Subjunctive Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

209-16, thaet we -him thonne secgen thaet hie haebben wierst 
gedon. 

215-6, Thaem ungethyldegum is to secganne thaet hie ne 
agimeleasigen. 



■ t> v 



Or osius 

8-4, theah the sume men saegden thaet thaer naere buton 
twegen daelas. 

12-20, theah sume men secgen thaet hire aewielme sie. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

73-19, Aer thioson we saegdon feam wordum . . . ond eac 

hwelc se bith the him ondraedan sceal. 

225-23, gif he him saegth hwonon thaet cymth, and hu se 
lytega dioful styreth gewinn. ' 

231-4, Forthaem is to secganne thaem welwillendan monnum 
thaet habbath sua micle mede otherra monna <?odra 
weorca. to 

233-16, Ac thaem aefstegum is to secganne, gif hie hie 
nyllath healdan with thaem aefste, thaet hie 
weorthath besencte. 



Orosius 

162-28, ac heton tha biscepas thaet hie saedon thaem folce 
thaet heora godas him waeron irre. 



142 



238-2 , Hit is (nu) ungeliefedlic to secganne . . . hwaet 
on thaem gewinne forwearth. 

240-5, and him saedon thaet hie for his thingun adraefde 
waeron. 

296-18, thaet ge saedon thaet tha haethnan tida waeron 
beteran thonne tha cristnan, and eac thaet eow 
selfum waere betere thaet ge eower(ne) cristendom 
forleten 'that you said that the heathen times 
were better than the christian, and also that (it) 
were better for you yourselves that you gave up 
your Christianity. ' 

It is difficult to explain the indicative mood in this 
sentence (296-18) in terms other than a sort of attraction 
which influenced the scribe in the first object clause, but 
not in the second. The only other secgan comparison con- 
struction contains the regular subjunctive mood: 

Past oral Care, 393-2, swa swa [we] aer herbiufan saedon 

oimTisse ilcan bee bi Davide thaem Godes dirlinge 
thaet he waere ryhtwisra tha tha he theng waes 
thonne he waere siththan he kyning waes 'just as 
we previously said in this same book about David 
the favorite of God that he was more just when he 
was a subject than he was when he was a king. ' 

This construction contains both signs common to the occur- 
rence of the exceptional mood: The clause is introduced by 
the indicative form of secgan ; it does not conform to the 
conventional word order. Nevertheless, the occurrence of 
the regular mood need not be questioned; those signs are 
merely explanations for the scribe's occasional deviation 
from the regular practice. 






143 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

401-15, Ic eow secgge hwaet eow arwyrthlicost is_ to beganne, 
and hu ge fullecost magon Gode thiowian. 

Orosius 



19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethum, thaet 

he waere on Truso on syfan dagum and nihtum, thaet 
thaet scip waes ealne weg ymende under segle 
'Wulfstan said that he traveled from Haethum, that 
he was in Truso during seven clays and nights, that 
that ship was moving all the way under sail.' 

The fact that the regular subjunctive mood appears in the 
two preceding dependent clauses makes any formal explana- 
tion for the waes of the third clause difficult. In fact, 
throughout the frequent appearance of secgan in the narra- 
tives of Oh there and Wulfstan, it governs the subjunctive 
mood. It can only be suggested, therefore, that thaet 
thaet scip waes ealne weg ymende under segle is not meant 
to be an object clause of sec gan ; it may belong to the con- 
tinuing description: 

19-34, Wenothland him waes on steorbord, and on baecbord 
waes Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and 
Sconeg; and thas land eall hyrath to Denemearcan- 
"Wenothland was for him on starboard, and on the 
left side of the ship for him 'was Langaland, and 
Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and all these 
lands belong to Denmark.' 

86-5, Leonitha saede thaet tha tida tha yfele waeron. 

210-28, Nu ic wille, cwaeth Orosius, secgan hulucu heo 
waes . 

232-17, theh ic hit nu scortlice secgan scyle, cwaeth 
Orosius, hwa thaes ordfruman waeron. 

246-20, Ac tha him mon saede Octauianus thiderweard xvaes. 



144 



Imperative Mood Environment 
There is not enough evidence of the governing verb 
in the imperative mood to determine its influence on the 
mood in the complement clause' construction. " ••-' 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Imperative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

181-14, Secgath thaem welegum gind thisne middangeard 
thaet hi to ofermodlice ne thencen. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Imperative Environment 

Gregory's Pastor al Care 

301-16, Secgath eac thaem upahaefenum thaette, thonne 

thonne hie hie selfe upahebbath, thaet hie [thonne] 
afeallath on tha biesene thaes aworpnan engles. 



Tacnian 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Pastoral Care 3 ' 4 

Orosius 2 

Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle No evidence available 



Total 



Tacnian presents problems for the student of the com- 
plement clause construction. The available evidence is 
limited to nine constructions and does not reveal that 



145 



attraction is operating in the exceptional structures; 
therefore, tacnian ' s influence on the mood in the complement 
clause is here presented with less documentation than was 
the case with verbs such as wit an or ewe than. 

The indicative mood follows tacnian in the complement . 
clause constructions of this order: tacnian + thaet + 
subject noun phrase + verb phrase. 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

81-21, Thaet thonne tacnath thaet thaes sacerdes weorc 
s[c]ulon beon asyndred. 

219-6, Thaet tacnath thaet thaet gethyld sceal gehealdan. 

279-25, Thaet thonne tacnath thaette thaes modes ryhtwisnes 
bith toflowen. (Th aes modes is being counted as a 
type of determiner. ) 



Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indeterminate Environment 

Orosius 



248-21, Thaet tacnade thaet we eall sculon aenne geleafan 
habban . 

248-26, Thaet tacnade thaet us eallum is beboden. (Us 

eallum can be considered the subject of the pUssive 
construction. ) 

The evidence seems to indicate that the indicative 
mood occurs in constructions which employ only the conven- 
tional items of a complement clause: tacnian + thaet + 
subject noun phrase + verb phrase. In the constructions 
which employ the subjunctive mood in the complement clause, 



146 



however, an interrupting word or phrase occurs among the 
regular items. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 
In two of the four exceptional occurrences of the sub- 
junctive mood, a relative clause appears in a critical 
position: 

85-5, Se thonne tacnath thaet [e]all thaette thaes 
sacerdes ondgit thu rhfa ran maega, sie ymb tha 
hefonlican lufan 'This then snows that all that 
the mind of the priest may contemplate is for 
the sake of divine love.'' 

87-3, Thaet tacnath thaette eal tha god and tha maegenu 
the heo doth beon gewlitegode mid thaere lufan 
Codes and monna 'That signifies that all the good- 
ness and the virtues which he performs are adorned 
with the love of God and men.' 

In the remaining two illustrations interruptions occur 
before the subordinator : 

253-17, Thaet thonne tacnath "us thaette we scylen beon 
'That then signifies to us what we shall be.' 

449-17, Hi tacniath mi d t haem thaet men scylen onscunian 
'They show with that what men shall shun.' 

It seems, therefore, that word order rather than 
attraction accounts for the variation of mood in the com- 
plement clause after tacnia n. This is as far as we can 
speculate given such limited evidence; nevertheless it is 
reasonable to assume that, with respect to tacnian , word 
order is an influential structural fact. 



147 



Group D 

Group D contains the verbs which introduce complement 
clauses in less than five instances and, therefore, do not 
offer enough illustrations to qualify as conclusive evi- 
dence . 

Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 

the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Abiddan 1 

Acraeftan . - • ■ 1 

Asecgan . 1 ■ o 

Beodan 1 

Besprecan 2 

Cuman (on Gemynd) 3 

Cunnan (Beon or 

Weorthan) 3 1 

Fandian 1 

Forbeodan 3 

Forgietan 1 

Gelaeran 1 

Ge lie fan 3 

Geortriewan o 1 

Gereccan 1 

Geswerian 2 

Getaecan 1 . 2 

Gethyncan 1 

Getreowian 1 

Gieman 2 



/ 



148 



Indicative Mood in Subjunctive Mood in 
the Complement Clause the Complement Clause 

Hatan 1 

Healsian 2 

Locian 1 1 

Ne Willan 2 

Onbeodan 1 

Othsacan 1 

Recan 1 

Reccan 2 

Scamian 3 

Secan 1 

Sellan (Athas) 1 

Sierwan 1 

Sprecan 1 

Swerian (Athas) . 3 

Tali an f 1 

Teohhian 2 

Treowan 1 

Uncuth (Beon) 1 

Wundrian 1 

Abiddan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

178-12, and abead thaet aegther thara folca o thrum ageafe 

ealle tha men 'and asked that each nation returned 
to the other all the men.' 



149 



Acraeftan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

12-1, uton thehhwae there acraeftan hu we hwera an thisse 
niht maegen maest beswican 'Let us, nevertheless, 
plan how we in this night can most deceive them. ' 



Asecgan 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

178-22, tha asaedbn his geferan hu he hwera aerenda abead 
'then his companions said how he commanded their 



Be o dan 
Beodan occurs only once as the introductory verb of 
a complement clause containing a determinate form. The 
indicative mood follows in the clause: 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 



48-An.755, tha budon hie hiera maegum thaet hie gesund 

from eodon 'then they proposed to their kinsmen 
that they departed uninjured.' 



Besprecan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

48-18, and besprecath thaet eow nu wyrs (s)ie on thiesan 
cristendome ' and . complains that you are now worse 

in this Christianity.' 



150 



74-34, Ond nu ure Cristne Roma bespricth thaet hiere 

weallas for ealdunge bresnien 'And now our Christians 
of Rome complain that their walls break down because 
of old age . r 



Cuman (on Gemynd) 
As with thyncan of Group A, the clauses are the sub- 
ject of the introductory verb rather than the object. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care 

3-2, thaet me com swithe oft on gemynd, hwelce wietan 

iu waer on giond Angelcynn . . . and hu gesaeliglica 
tida tha wae ron giond Angelcynn; and hu tha 
kyningas . . . Code and his aerendwrecum hersum edon 
'that it very often came into my mind, what wise 
men there were formerly throughout England . . . 
and how happy times those were throughout England; 
and how the kings . . . obeyed God and his minis- 
ters . ' 



Cunnan (Be on or We or than) 
The past participle of cunna n combined with the verb 
beon or we or than introduces complement clauses which employ 
the indicative mood and, in one case, the subjunctive 
mood. As with thyncan of Group A, the thaet clause is the 
subject of the introductory verb. 

Indicative . Mood in the Complement Clause 
Gregory's Pasto ral Care 

169-12, forthain hit is openlice cuth thaette sio uterre 
abisgung thissa wo.roldthinga thaes monnes mod 

. ■ ge.frefth 'because it is openly known that the 

outer occupation of worldly matters disturbs the 
mind of man . ' . 



151 



Orosius 

158-13, Thaer wearth Pirruse cuth thaet Agathocles, 

Siraccusa cyning tha(ra) burgleoda, waes gefaren 
on Sicilia thaem londe 'Then it became known to 
Pyrrhus, that Agathocles, king o£ the Syracuse 
citizens, was dead in the country of Sicily.' 

198-30, Tha Hannibale cuth waes thaet his brother ofslagen 
waes 'When it was known to Hannibal that his 
brother was slain.' 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

146-13, AEfter thaem wearth Maecedonium cuth thaet Eumen 

and Pison and Ilirgus and Alceta, Perdican brother, 
s olden winnan on hie 'After that it became known 
to the Macedonians that Eumen and Pison and 
Ilirgus and Alceta, the brother of Perdica wished 
to fight against them. ' 

The limited evidence for cunnan as an introductory verb of 
a complement clause makes an explanation for the excep- 
tional mood difficult. The possibility of attraction must 

be ruled out because the subjunctive form of the past tense 

t 
of will an occurs in a predominately indicative context. An 

explanation based on the future meaning of will a n seems 
most accurate. The incomplete action expressed by wo 1 den 
winnan distinguishes the clause from the clauses above • 
which describe situations contemporary with the time of 
report. The exceptional subjunctive clause is, therefore, 
more similar in meaning to the uncuth 'unknown' construc- 
tion which is followed by the subjunctive mood in the one 
illustration available: 



152 



Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastor al Care , 9-3, uncuth 
hu longe thaer swae gelaerede biscepas sien 'It 
is unknown how long there may be such learned 
bishops . ' 



Fandian 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Ohthere's Narrative in Alfred's Orosius 

17-7, he aet sumum cirre wolde fandian hu longe thaet 
land northryhte laege 'he at some time wished to 
investigate how far the land lay due north. ' 

Forbeodan 
The subjunctive verb form occurs in the three comple 
ment clauses introduced by forbeodan . 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

211-24, ac we sculon him forbeodan thaet hie hum sua ne 
don 'but we ought to forbid them that they do so 
at all. ' 

Orosius 



254-8, and forbead thaet hiene mon god hete 'and forbid 
that one call him a god.' 

266-9, he forbead ofer ealne his onwald thaet mon nanum 
cristenum men ne abulge 'he forbid over all his 
empire that one annoy any Christian man.' 



153 



Forgietan 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastora l Care 

183-23, Ne sculon we eac forgietan hu hit waes by Saule 

tham kyninge 'We ought not also forget how it was 
with Saul the king. ' 

Gelaeran 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

198-36, and Romanum to raede gelaerde thaet hie mid scipum 
foren on Hannibales land 'and to the Romans too 
quickly he instructed that they with ships travel 
to the land of Hannibal.' 

0ne gelaeran sentence might be confused as a comple- 
ment clause construction, but the hu clause is not the 
object of gelaeran . Instead, it is in apposition with the 
direct object thone craeft : 

Pastoral Care , 163-5, Wiotodlice faesten wyrcth se halga 
lariow ymb tha burg thaes modes the he gelaerth 
thone craeft hu hit maeg costingum wi (th) stondon 
'Indeed the holy teacher builds a fortress around 
the city of the mind to which he teaches the craft, 
how it (mind) may withstand temptations.' 

Geliefan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastora l Care - . . 

5-2, ic geliefe thaet thu wiile 'I believe that you will.' 

111-10, ond geliefth thaet he suelc sie 'and believes that 
he is such. ' 

379-10, sanctus Paulus gelidfde thaet he swa micele 

unscyldigra waere 'Saint Paul believed that he was 
so much the more guiltless.' 






154 



Geortrlewan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

86-3, theh ne geortriewe ic na Gode thaet he us ne maege 
gescildan to beteran tidum 'though I do not doubt 
in God that he can protect us for better times.' 

Gereccan 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

252-1, (Nu) Ic wille, cwaeth Orosius, on foreweardre 
thisse. seofethan beo gereccean thaet hit theh 
Codes bebod waes '(Now) I will, said Orosius, in 
the introduction to this seventh book tell that 
it yet was the command of God. ' 

In an earlier part of the Orosius a hu clause follows 

gereccan , but it is in apposition with the complement of 

gereccan : 

10-4, ac ic wille nu, swa ic aer gehet, thara threora 

landrica gemaere gereccan hu hie mid hiera waetrum 
tolicgeath 'but I will now, as I promised pre- 
viously, tell the boundary of those regions, how 
they are separated with their waters.' 



Geswerian 
Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

• 

56-19, and athas gesworan thaet hie naefre noldon aet 

ham cuman 'and swore oaths that they did not wish 
ever to come at home. ' 

68-27, and eac gesworen haefdon thaet hie other forleosan 
woldon 'and also has sworn that they did not wish 
to destroy the other.' 



155 



Getaecan 
Getaecan is one of two especially difficult verbs in 
the D group. Of only three constructions provided by the 
texts, one complement clause employs the indicative mood and 
two the subjunctive mood. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

467-19, Thaer ic haebbe getaeht hwelc hierde bion sceal 
'There I have shown what a pastor ought to be.' 

It Is possible that the indicative mood in the hwelc clause 

Is determined by a formulaic structure which occurs also 

in a rec can construction: 

173-14, Nu thonne oth thiss we rehton hwelc se hierde 

bion sceal 'hitherto we have said what the pastor 
ought to be . ' 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral- Care 

405-29, and him getaehte hwaet hi on thaem don s ceolden , 
hwaet ne s col de n 'and showed them what they ought 
to do in that, what they ought not do.' 

Get.hyncan 
Gethyncan occurs as the main verb of a complement 
clause construction in the Orosius only. The subjunctive 
mood follows gethyncan in the clause. The items of the 
construction are similar to those in the thyncan construc- 
tion: dative case pronoun + gethyn can + t haet + subject 
clause. This similarity of mood and word order indicates 



156 



that in the case of ge thyncan the g_e_- is a meaningless pre- 
fix and, therefore, ge thyncan is merely a different form 
of the verb thyncan . 

292-6, him gethuht thaet tha theoda tha hiora witherwinnan 
waeron waeren to swithe gestrongade 'it seemed to 
him that the nations, which were their enemies, 
were so much strengthened. T 



Getreowian 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

72-16, and getruwedon thaet hie mid hiera craeftum 

sceolden sige -gefeohtan 'and trusted that they 
with their powers ought to fight for victory.' 

Gi eman 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

41-23, and ne giemath to hwon otherra monna wise weorthe 
'and do not care what happens to the manner of 



161-14, and suithe geornlice giemath thaet hie tha eorth- 
lican heortan gelaeren 'and very zealously take 
care that they instruct the worldy hearts.' 



J. W. Richard Lindemann, "Old English Preverbal ge_- : 
A Re -Examination of Some Current Doctrines,'.' Ap proa ches to 
English Histori cal Lin guis tics : An An thology (New York, 
1969), pp. 259-260. Lindemann dismisses the doctrine 
that ge_- is without meaning, but his study is trying to 
find one rule which might account for all ge - prefixed 
verbs . 



157 



Hat an 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

238-8, Tha het Pompeius thaet raon thaet faesten braece 

'Then Pompey commanded that one storm the fortress.' 

Heal si an 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

137-17, ic eow healsige thaet ge feden Godes heorde 'I 
implore you that you reed the flock of God. ' 

213-14, Ic eow healsige brothur . . . thaet ge ne to 

hraedlice ne sien astyrede 'I beseech you brothers 
. . . that you are not too quickly stirred. ' 

Loci an 
Loci an ' s influence on the mood in only two complement 
clauses is difficult to determine, especially since the 
subjunctive mood occurs in one and the indicative mood in 
the other. The complement clause constructions are under- 
lined in the following sentences. 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 
Imperative Environment 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

99-17, Loca nu hu se halega wer, se the sua faesthlice 

geimpod wacs to thaem hefenlicum diogolnessum, and 
suatheah for mildheortnesse wae.s thonon gecierred 
ti? smeaganne hu f laesclicum mo(n)num gedafonode 
on hira burcotum and on hiera beddum to donne 'Look 
now how the holy man who so firmly was familiar 
with the heavenly secrets and yet out of compassion 
was then turned to consider how it was befitting 
for camel men to act in their chambers and in 
their beds . ' 



158 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 
Indicative Environment 

Orosius 



202-1, tha net he aenne mon stigan on thone maest, and 
locian hwaether he thaet land g ecneowe thaet hie 
toweard waeron 'then he commanded a man to climb 
on the mast and to see whether he recognized that 
land that they were approaching. ' 

The thaet clause of the following sentence appears to 

be a final clause of purpose rather than a complement 

clause. 

Pastoral Care , 451-32, Lociath nu thaet thios eowru leaf 

ne weorthe othrum monnum to biswice 'Look now that 
this privilege of yours not become for other men 
a temptation. ' 

The sentence may be rewritten according to its underlying 

deep structure to show the relationship between the main 

verb and the thaet clause: 'Look now (at this privilege 

of yours) -- (in order that) this privilege of yours not 

become a temptation for other men. ' It appears then that 

this locian sentence cannot be considered with the other 

two locian sentences as an example of a complement clause 

construction. 



Ne Will an 
As with the form wi ll an of Group A, the contraction 
of the past tense form of ne will an is followed by the sub- 
junctive verb form in the two complement clauses available 
in the text. 



159 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

47-8, forthaem him noldon thaet hie mon ahofe ofer tha 

the him beteran thynceath thonne hie selfe 'there- 
fore, they did not wish that anyone raised them 
over those who seem better to them than themselves.' 

451-29, he nolde thaet hie ealle thigden 'he did not i^ish 
that they all take.' 



Onbeodan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

240-2, Tha unbudon hie him thaet he come mid feawum 

monnum to Rome 'Then they ordered him that he came 
with a few men to Rome. ' 



Othsacan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

260-4, Otheace nu, cwaeth Orosius, se, se the wille oththe 
se the dyrre thaet tlaaet angin naere gestille 
'Let him deny now, said Orosius, who ivills or who 
dares, that that undertaking was not stopped.' 



Re can 
The verb, re can 'to care,' is rendered as reccath in 
the text; therefore, care must be taken not to confuse it 
with reccan 'to explain,' which is followed by the indica- 
tive mood in its comolement clauses. 



160 



Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

449-21, and ne reccath hwaet men be him sprecan 'and do 
not care what men say about them. ' 

Reccan 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

. . Gregory's Pas toral Care 

173-14, Nu thonne oth thiss we rehton hwelc se hierde bion 
sceal 'hitherto we have said what the pastor ought 
to be. ' 

This hwelc clause is repeated (without the demonstrative 

se) in a getaeca n construction also: 

467-19, Thaer ic haebbe getaeht hwelc hierde bion sceal 
'There I have shown what a pastor ought to be.' 

The indicative form sceal may be influenced by a formulaic 

device rather than its main verb reccan . 

441-11, and siththan him is to reccanne hu nyttwyrthe 

thaet is thaet [hi] forlaeten habbath 'and after- 
wards they are to be told how useful that is which 
they have relinquished.' 



Scamian 
The clause following scamian is, as with thyncan of 
Group A, the subject ,. rather than the object, of the intro- 
ductory verb. 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pas toral Care 

427-21, thaet hi huru scamige thaet mon witen 'that they 
nevertheless are ashamed that men know. ' 



161 



427-23, thonne thaet mod sceamath thaet hit mon wite 'when 
the mind is ashamed that one knows it.' 

427-24, thaet hine eac scamige thaet he hit wyrce 'that 
he is also ashamed that he does it.' 



Sec an 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

227-14, and secth hu he hine maege gefon 'and seeks how he 
can take him. ' 

Sell an (Athas) 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Angl o-Saxon Chronicle 

76 -An. 878, tha salde se here him fore gislas and micle 

athas thaet hie of his rice uuoldon 'then the 
army gave him hostages and many oaths that 
they wished (to go) from his kingdom. ' 

t 
Sierwan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

138-6, and georne siredon hu hi hie totwaeman mehten 'and 
zealously devised. how they were able to divide 
them. ' 



162 



Spree an 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

48-26, Hu blindlice monege theoda sprecath ymb thone 

cristendom, thaet hit un wyrse sie thonne hit aer 
waere 'How blindly many people speak about the 
Christianity, that it now is worse than it pre- 
viously was . ' 



Swerian (At has) 

The subjunctive verb form follows the combination, 

athas + swerian , in the complement clause constructions 

represented in the texts. Apparently, the rule which estab 

lished that the subjunctive form should follow athas + 

s werian distinguished this combination from other similar 

combinations which also govern complement clauses. The 

combination, athas + sell an , is followed by the indicative 

mood in its single occurrence within -the texts: 

Anglo-Saxon Chronicl e , 76 -An. 878, and tha salde se here 
him foregislas and micle athas thaet hie of his 
rice uuoldon [woldon] 'and then the army gave him 
hostages and many oaths that they would (go) from 
his kingdom. ' 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Orosius 

190-31, on thaet gerad thaet he him athas sworan thaet 

hie him aet thaem gewinnum gelaesten 'on the con- 
dition that they swore oaths that they (would) 
serve them in the wars.' 



163 



Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 

72 -An. 874, and he him athas swor and gislas salde thaet 
hit him gearo waere, swa hwelce daege swa hie 
hit h abb an wolden 'and he to them swore oaths 
and gave hostages that it was ready for them, 
on whatever day they would have it.' 

74-An.876, and him tha athas sworon on tham halgan beage 
the hie aer nanre theode noldon thaet hie 
hraedlice of his rice foren 'and then swore 
oaths to him on the holy book, which they pre 
viously did not wish (to do) for any people, 
that they (would) set .out quickly from his 
kingdom. ' 



Talian 

- Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

335-12, se [the] talath thaet he sie unscyldig 'he who 
argues that he is innocent.' 



Teohhian 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

281-2, Gif hwa teoch[h]ath thaet he aefaest sie 'If anyone 
resolves that he is pious.' 

302-3, and tiohchiath thaet thaet scyle bion for eathmettum 
'And resolves that that ought to be out of humility. ' 



Treowan 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Gregory's Pastoral Care 

447-10, and the ah he aer truwige . . . thaet he maege we arm 
weorthan 'and yet he previously believes . . . that 
he can become warm. ' 



164 



(Beon) Uncuth 

Subjunctive Mood in the Complement Clause 

Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care 

9-3, uncuth hu longe thaer swae gelaerede biscepas sien 
'It is unknown how long there may be such learned 
bishops . ' 



Wundrian 

Indicative Mood in the Complement Clause 

Alfred's Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care 

tha wundrade ie swithe swithe thara godena wiotona 
. . . thaet hie hiora tha naenne dael noldon on 
hiora agen gethiode wendan 'then I wondered ex- 
tremely of the good wise men . . . that they then 
did not wish to translate any part of them [books] 
into their own language.' 



CONCLUSION 

The preceding structural analysis set out to determine 
whether the choice of mood in the Old English complement 
clauses following verbs which express acts of communication 
and mental processes was arbitrary or whether it was estab- 
lished by syntactic rules. The choice of mood is perplexing 
in the manuscripts because either the indicative mood or 
the subjunctive mood can occur in the Old English comple- 
ment clause construction and, furthermore, an individual 
verb can be followed by the indicative mood in one clause 
and by the subjunctive mood in another. 

This study has restricted its evidence to the early 
West-Saxon texts, Gregory's Pastoral Care , the Orosius , and 
the Anglo -Saxon Chronicle , because the scribes in their 
spellings of verb forms made relatively clearer distinc- 
tions between the indicative and the subjunctive moods 
than the scribes of 1000 or later. The conclusions of 
this investigation are based primarily on such written 
evidence . 



16 5 



166 



Regular Choice of Mood 

The structural facts presented in these texts showed 
that certain syntactic rules and formal reasons determined 
the scribe's choice of mood in all the complement clauses. 
As shown in the statistics below, the verbs of Groups A and 
B have the most consistent influence on the mood of. the 
complement clause. The mood choice demonstrates that for 
these twenty-one verbs the probability is less than five 
percent that the hypothesis that no rule governs the mood 
of the complement clause is correct. Fourteen introductory 
verbs such as ewe t han , manian and wenan are regularly fol- 
lowed by the subjunctive mood. The seven remaining verbs 
like gethencan , ongietan and wit an introduce the indicative 
mood in their complement clauses. 



Intr o duct ory Verbs Requiring 
the Subjunctive Mood 



Group A and Group B 



Ascian 

Awritan 

Bebeodan 

Biddan 

Cwethan 

Geleornian 



Indicative 


Subjunctive 


Probability 


Mood 


Mood 




Values 


1 


7 


< 


. 05 


1 


25 


< 


.0005 


3 


26 


< 


.00001 


2 


20 


< 


.00001 


6 


43 


< 


.00001 





5 


< 


.03 



167 



Group A and Group B (continued) 





Indicative 
Mood 


Sut 


junctive 
Mood 


Probability 
Values 


Laeran 


3 




14 


< 


.004 


Manian 







86 


< 


.00001 


Ondraedan 


1 




14 


< 


.0009 


Thencan 


2 




12 


< 


.01 


Thyncan 







16 


< 


.00002 


Wen an 


3 




81 


< 


.00001 


Will an 







10 


< 


.005 


Wilnian 







25 


< 


.00001 



Introductory Verbs Requiring 
the Indicative Mood~ ~ 

Group A and Group B 





Indicative 


Subjunctive 


Pre 


)bability 




Mood 


Mood 




Values 


Geascian 


8 


* o 


< 


.005 


Gecythan 


16 


1 


< 


.0003 


Gehieran 


40 


2 


< 


.00001 


Ge then can 


42 


16 


< 


.0001 


Ne Wit an 


23 


4 


< 


.001 


Ongietan 


69 


16 


< 


.0001 


Wit an 


50 


8 


< 


.0001 



The ten verbs of Group C present evidence which favors 
the no-rule hypothesis. These verbs do not show such a 



168 



decided preference, as did the verbs of Groups A and B, 
for either mood in the complement clause. 



Group C 





Indicative 


Subjunctive 


Pre 


)b ability 




Mood 


Mood 




Values 


Aetiewan 


2 


6 


< 


.10 


Cythan 


14 


7 


< 


.12 


Ge ewe than 


6 


14 


< 


.07 


Geraunan 


4 


1 


< 


.31 


Gesecgan 


8 


4 


< 


.19 


Geseon 


11 


4 


< 


.10 


Getacnian 


5 


3 


< 


.99 


On en aw an 


4 


1 


< 


.31 


Secgan 


17 


27 


< 


.16 


Tacnian 


5 ' 


4 


< 


.48 



Of the sixty-nine verbs which introduce a complement 
clause, the thirty-eight verbs of Group D are represented 
in less than five constructions and, therefore, do not 
offer enough illustrations to qualify as conclusive evi- 
dence, while the ten verbs of Group C are significant 
insofar as they represent at least five constructions. The 
few introductory verbs, however, represented in Group C 
which favor the no-rule hypothesis are not so impressive 
as the twenty-one verbs of Groups A and B which do not. 



169 



The verbs mag an , sculan and will an , which grammarians 
have often considered in separate categories, occur in the 
complement clauses recorded in these manuscripts as sub- 
junctive forms and indicative forms with the consistency 
common to other verbs. They do not appear in the excep- 
tional instances to any remarkable extent. They have been 
included, therefore, with the other verb forms for the 
statistics describing the choice of mood after each intro- 
ductory verb. 

Exceptional Choice of Mood 

When the regular influence of the introductory verb 
is interrupted, so that an introductory verb can be fol- 
lowed by the indicative mood in one clause and by the sub- 
junctive mood in another, the evidence provided by these 
texts shows that each exception is determined by a syntactic 
rule or structural feature. The texts did not support, 
however, the arguments which maintained that a change of 
meaning in the introductory verb determines the exceptional 
mood in the complement clause. The structural facts show 
that attraction between the mood of the introductory verb 
or the dominant mood of the sentence and the mood of the 
complement clause can explain the exceptional mood most 
often. In other instances unusual word order and compli- 
cated clause constructions in the context of the complement 
clause determine the exceptional mood choice. Sometimes 



170 



even a formulaic convention, alters the regular mood choice. 
For certain exceptional structures, explanations that 
approach the semantic level because they are derived by 
analyzing the underlying forms were necessary. 

Results in the Original Prose 

The syntactic rules go\ r erning the choice of mood in 
complement clauses operate in the original prose as well 
as in the translations. The limited evidence gathered from 
the original prose -- Anglo-Saxon Chronicle , Alfred's 
Preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care , and the Ohthere and 
Wulfstan narratives in the Orosius -- follows the patterns 
illustrated in the translations. However few the construc- 
tions, the original prose employs the preferred mood after 
each introductory verb. There are, however, two exceptions 
in the C hronicle and one in the Wulfstan narrative. These 
exceptions ,' like the exceptions in the translations, can 
be explained by a structural analysis. The two exceptions 
in the Chronicle are the result of attraction. The excep- 
tional mood in the Wulfstan narrative follows the fre- 
quently used introductory verb s e c g a n : 

19-32, Wulfstan saede thaet he gefore of Haethum, thaet 

he waere on Truse on syfan dagum and nihtum, thaet 
thaet scip wacs ealne weg yrnende under segle, 
Wenothland him waes on steorbord, and on baecbord 
waes Langaland, and Laeland, and Falster, and 
Sconeg, and thas land call hyrath to Denemaearcan 
"Wulfstan said that he traveled from Haethum, that 
he was in Truso during seven days and nights, that 



171 



that ship was moving all the way under sail. 
Weonathland was for him on starboard, and on the 
left side of the ship for him was Langaland, and 
Laeland, and Falster, and Sconeg; and all these 
lands belong to Denmark. ' 

Attraction seems unlikely considering that the subjunctive 

mood occurs in the first two complement clauses of this 

construction. The puzzling indicative mood belongs perhaps 

more to the continuing description than to a complement 

clause influenced by secgan . The formal explanations are 

suggested by the evidence in the texts. There is no proof 

either in the translations or in the original prose that 

the exceptional mood choice reflects the altered meaning 

of the introductory verb. 

The Introductory Verb Rule 

The statistics describing the choice of mood after the 
verbs of Groups A and B have indicated that a syntactic 
rule designates either the subjunctive verb form or the 
indicative form for the verb of the complement clause fol- 
lowing each introductory verb. This rule, which can be 
called "The Introductory Verb Rule," establishes restric- 
tions on the complement clauses following verbs which denote 
mental processes and acts of communication: Fourteen verbs 
(ascian , awritan , bebeodan, biddan , ewe than , geleornian , 
laer an , manian, ondraedan, thencan, thyncan, we nan , willan, 
wilnian ) require the subjunctive verb form in each comple- 
ment clause. Seven verbs (ge ascian, gecythan, ge hie ran,, 



172 



g ethencan , ne w i t an , ong ietan , wit an) cannot be followed 
by the subjunctive verb form in the complement clause. The 
Introductory Verb Rule, then, blocks the subjunctive verb 
form from the complement clause after these seven verbs 
except when the verb of the complement clause is influenced 
by an unusual context (the predominance of the subjunctive 
mood or complicated clause constructions) . As indicated 
previously, such exceptional influences on the verb of the 
complement clause after verbs of Groups A and B seldom 
interfere with the operation of The Introductory Verb Rule. 

The Subordination Rule 

The results of the analysis of the clauses containing 
the exceptional mood have shown that another syntactic 
rule, "The Subordination Rule," establishes the subjunctive 
verb form as a redundant feature of clause construction in 
contexts characterized by complicated clause structure, in 
particular, multiple embeddings. The structural signifi- 
cance of the subjunctive mood is illustrated in its occur- 
rence as the exceptional mood in certain complement clauses, 
The subjunctive mood sometimes replaces the indicative mood 
in the complement clause in a predominately indicative 
context which rules out the possibility of attraction. In 
one such sentence the subjunctive mood replaces the regular 
indicative mood a f t e r w i t an : 



173 



Gregory's- Past oral Care , 51-4, Ac forthaemthe hit swa 
earfothe is aenegum menn to witanne hwonne he 
geclaensed sie, he maeg thy orsorglicor forbugan 
tha thegnunga 'But because it is. so difficult for 
any man" to know when he is purified, he may, the 
more secure, shun the ministration.' 

It seems that in such clauses the subjunctive has no signif- 
icance other than that of subordination. The subjunctive 
verb form is, then, a feature of clause construction. As 
the only marked verb form in this sentence, it can make 
clear the relationship between the complement clause and its 
introductory verb which is itself contained in one of the 
several' subordinate clauses. The indicative verb form is 
not marked as a feature of clause construction.; therefore, 
within subordinate clauses it can be called the "unmarked 
verb form." The evidence indicated, then, that two syn- 
tactic rules determine verb forms for Old English subor- 
dinate clauses: The Introductory Verb Rule and The Subor- 
dination Rule. 

The Application of Rules 1 an d 2_ 

The complement clauses collected for the investigation 
suggest that The Subordination Rule was established before 
The Introductory Verb Rule. Designated by The Subordination 
Rule as a redundant feature of clause .construction, the sub- 
junctive verb form distinguishes certain complement clauses 
as structurally inferior to and dependent on the intro- 
ductory verb. Each clause contains, then, two features of 



174 



clause construction: (1)A subordinates like thaet , hu, or 
the hw- words; (2) A verb with the subjunctive suffix. The 
introductory verb for each of these structurally inferior 
dependent clauses was thus designated as a structurally 
prominent governing verb; however, the structural distinc- 
tion between the complement clause with the unmarked verb 
form and its introductory verb is not so clear. By restrict- 
ing the subjunctive verb form to the complement clauses of 
certain introductory verbs, Rule 2, The Introductory Verb 
Rule, blocked seven introductory verbs from the structurally 
prominent governing verb position. 

The Expletory Introductory Verbs 

Sample complement clauses introduced by the three promi- 
nent verbs of the group blocked by Rule 2 from governing a 
subjunctive mood clause can explain the restrictions in Rule 
2. As introductory verbs, gethencan , ongietan , and witan 
are merely expletory expressions which have a negligible 
influence on the meaning of a sentence. This semantic fea- 
ture of the verbs is confirmed by their frequent occurrence 
in subordinate clauses. Gethencan and ongietan occur in the 
complement clause of the manian construction more often than 
any other verb which introduces a complement clause. Two 
illustrations follow: 

Gregory's Pastoral Care , 383-33, Eac hi sint to manigenne 

thaet hi gethencen thaette tha wif the tha geeaciiodan 
beam cennath the thonne git fulberene ne bioth, ne 
fyllath hie no mid thaem hus ac byrgenna 'Also, they 



175 



are to be admonished that they consider that those 
women who bring forth the conceived children, when 
they are not yet full born, fill not by that 
houses but tombs.' 

Gregory's Pastoral Care , 429-7, Ac hie sint to manienne 
thaet hi ongieten thaet hit bith se degla Godes 
dom thaet hie eft thy mare wite haebben 'But they 
are to be admonished that they perceive that it is 
the secret judgement of God that they afterwards 
(will) have the more punishment.' 

Wit an occurs in the manian construction and in similar 

cythan constructions: 

Gregory's Pastoral Care , 349-5, Thaem ungesibsuman is to 
cythanne thaet hie wieten thaette swa lange sua 
hie beoth from thaere lufe athied hiera niehstena, 
and him ungemode beoth, thaette hie nanwuht godes 
ne magon tha hwile .Code bringan to thances 'To the 
quarrelsome is to be told that they know that as 
long as they are separated from the love of their 
neighbor, and are at variance with them, that they 
may not then meanwhile bring anything of good, 
pleasing to God. ' 

Each of these fillers can be deleted from a sentence without 

affecting the statement. The statement in each complement 

clause, therefore, exists independent of the introductory 

verbs. It seems likely that Rule 2 blocked the seven verbs 

of the gethencan - witan group from the prominent position 

as governing verb for a subjunctive mood clause to keep 

clear the difference between them and the introductory verbs 

which have something more than a negligible influence on a 

statement. 



/ 
/ 176 

The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule 

The results of the structural study show that by the 
application of Rules 1 and 2, each complement clause might 
be distinguished by the form of the verb as either a com- 
plement clause which is dependent on the introductory verb 
or merely as a complement clause. All the provisions of 
Rules 1 and 2 for designating either the subjunctive verb 
form or the indicative verb form in clauses introduced by 
verbs which denote mental processes or acts of communication 
might have belonged to the Old English rule for indirect 
discourse. It is possible that the meaning of the provi- 
sions in Rules 1 and 2 was extended for use in a third 
syntactic rule which distinguishes a simple complement 
clause from a clause in an indirect discourse construction: 
Rule 3 - The Indirect Discourse Verb Form Rule: (a) As a 
redundant feature of clause construction, the subjunctive 
verb form marks a statement, in a complement clause, which 
has been adapted from an independent sentence to a depen- 
dent clause, as indirect discourse; (a) the verbs ( geascian , 
gecythan , gehieran , gethencan , ne wit an , ongietan , witan ) 
are not followed by the mood of indirect discourse because 
they introduce direct and independent reports rather than 
indirect and dependent reports. 

The marked verb form in Old English is the structural 
sign for a semantic feature which distinguishes the 



177 



complement clauses following fourteen verbs ( ascian , awritan , 
bebeodan, biddan, cwethan, geleornian , laeran , man i an , 



on 



draedan, thencan, thyncan, we na n, will an , wilnian ) as in- 



direct reports from the simple complement clauses intro- 
duced by the seven remaining verbs of Groups A and B 
( geascian , gec ythan , gehieran , gethenca n, ne wit an , ongietan , 
witan) . This seems to be the best explanation for the syn- 
tactic rules established to determine the choice of mood in 
the Old English complement clauses. 

The Possibilitie s of Further Investig ation 

These conclusions about the complement clause in the 
recorded language are based primarily on the spellings of 
the verb suffixes in the early West-Saxon texts. As noted 
in the introduction, the unaccented vowels of plural verb 
endings were beginning to merge even in this early period. 
A structural analysis of the mood choice in the dependent 
clause of indirect discourse and the other complement 
clauses in the late West-Saxon texts must be restricted to 
these present tense verb forms: all forms of the verb 
beon except the first person beo , and the second and third 
person singular of. most other verbs. The verb wesan has a 
distinguishing past tense form only in the first and third 
person singular. While the evidence would be limited to 
these verb forms, further investigation of the mood in the 
complement clause ought to be pursued. 



178 



The evidence from late West-Saxon texts could provide 
additional illustrations for some of the thirty-eight verbs 
in Group D which were not sufficiently represented in the 
three early West-Saxon texts. It would also be interesting 
to observe how additional evidence would affect Group C 
verbs such as aetiewan, cythan, or ge ewe than which have 
probability values close to those of the Group B verbs. 
Structural investigations of the marked and unmarked verb 
forms in the complement clauses of the late West-Saxon texts 
are necessary amidst the unfounded meaning-based explana- 
tions . 

Though limited to the three early West-Saxon texts, 
the present study can help to establish the structural 
significance for the marked form in certain complement 
clauses in Modern written English. The distinguishing forms 
for the subjunctive and indicative moods are restricted to 
the third person, present tense, singular of most verbs and 
all the present tense forms for the verb to_ be_. In the 
past tense only the first and third person, singular forms 
of the verb t_o be_ can be distinguished as marked forms. 

A marked verb form is still found in the complement 
clause introduced by a subordinator and a verb like "com- 
mand," "request," or "will," which correspond respectively 
to the Old English verbs man i an, , biddan, and will an or 
wilni an. The infinitive construction is certainly more com- 
mon after these verbs and the . other verbs which express 



179 



acts of communication and mental processes. In modern 
written English also, the indeterminate forms of the auxili- 
aries shall and w ill and their past forms should and would 
occur frequently to express future events after these intro- 
ductory verbs. In comparison with these other construc- 
tions, the marked form in the complement clause might be 
assumed to convey special meaning to a report. In spite 
of the similarity of the form in the complement clause with 
the verb forms of if and t hough constructions, the evidence 
in the Old English prose indicates that this marked form in 
the complement clause is primarily a feature of clause con- 
struction. The marked form in the clause after these verbs 
which express 'command' or 'desire' is the only clear proof 
for the Old English rule established for the indirect dis- 
course construction. With the loss of distinctive verb 

forms for the indicative and subjunctive moods, the essen- 

t 

tially formal rules designed for these introductory verbs 

and their clauses are less evident. 



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. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

Mary Elizabeth Faraci was born February 2, 1945, in 
New York, New York. In May, 1963, she was graduated from 
Mt. Trinity Academy in Water-town, Massachusetts. She re- 
ceived the degree of Bachelor of Arts with a major in 
English from the University of Kentucky in June, 196 7. 
In August, 196 7, she enrolled in the Graduate School of the 
University of Kentucky. She was a teaching assistant from 
August, 196 7, to December, 196 8, when she received the 
degree of Master of Arts with a major in English. In 
January, 1969, she enrolled in the Graduate School of the 
University of Florida. Until the present time, she has 
worked as a teaching assistant and has pursued her work 
toward the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 



184 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my 
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly 
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, 
a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 



as 




l^ 




■co^n (f~. /-yfrs- 



Robert H. Bowers , Chairman 
Professor of English 



r6^ 




Zi &__ 

John T . Al ge o ,//Co - Chairman 

Professor of English 

University of Georgia 






y 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my 
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly" 
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, 
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 



/ 



- 7 



/ 



- 



Richard H. Green 
Professor of English 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my 
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly 
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, 
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 



/ 
7 



/ 






Egbert Krispyn 
Professor of Germanic 
Languages 



This dissertation was submitted to the Department of English 
in the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate 
Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the re- 
quirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

June, 19 7 2 



Dean, Graduate School